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THE 



HISTORY AND ANTIQUITIES 



ROUND CHURCH 

AT LITTLE MAPLESTEAD, ESSEX, 

FORMERLY BELONGING TO 

THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS 

Of j&amt g}oijn of ^rugalem, 

(Afterwards known as the Knights ofWiodes, and now of Malta :) 
PRECEDED BY 

&M K]0§T@&0(gA[L §Kinr@IKI ©IF TTKII <§R(y)§Al>II§- 

BY 

WILLIAM WALL EN, F. S. A. 

Architect. 





Tk] 




J£y 




y 




LONDON: 

PRINTED FOR THE AUTHOR, AND SOLD BY 

JOHN WEALE, ARCHITECTURAL LIBRARY, (late Taylor's,) 
59, HIGH HOLBORN. 



MDCCCXXXVI. 



l i>V 



LONDON! 

Maurice, Clark, & Co., Howford Buildings, 
Fenchurch Street. 



TO 

THE REV. WILLIAM SOWERBY, 

CURATE OF ST. BRIDGET'S, BECKERMET, CUMBERLAND, 

THIS VOLUME IS INSCRIBED, 

WITH SENTIMENTS OF RESPECT AND ESTEEM, 

BY 

THE AUTHOR. 



ADDRESS. 




■\-/^] <& long a period has elapsed since 
V/\ the announcement of this vo- 
i ime, that I feel it incumbent 
upon me to apologize to my 
numerous Subscribers for the 
delay that has occurred in its 
publication. Those who are accustomed to Topographical 
pursuits, will easily apprehend the difficulties that pre- 
sented themselves at the commencement of my undertaking, 
owing to the absence of any records of a parochial nature at 
Little Maplestead ; these difficulties have, however, been, in 
a great measure, removed by the Trustees of the Davis's 
Charity estates, who have kindly permitted me to publish 
several interesting documents in their possession connected 
with the ancient manor, and to whom I take this opportunity 
of expressing my thanks. To Sir Francis Palgrave I am 
also much indebted, for the facilities which he has afforded 
me of examining the records in the Augmentation Office. 

It is probable, that many may object to the union of so 
important a subject as that of the Crusades with the history 
of a parish church; the reasons, however, which have induced 
me to arrange the work in its present form, may be readily, 
and, I would fain hope, satisfactorily explained. 



VI ADDRESS. 

Of the Knights Templars, and their achievements in the 
Holy Land, few persons are altogether ignorant; but the 
character, the duties, and even the name of the Knights 
Hospitallers, are unknown to many readers, and have fre- 
quently been treated slightingly by eminent antiquaries. Of 
the importance of this Order we may form a correct opinion 
from the language of Henault, who says, " of all the Orders 
created during the wars in the Holy Land, that of Saint 
John is the only one which, preserving the spirit of its 
first institution, has always continued to defend the cause 
of religion." 

It will be readily perceived that necessity, no less than 
choice, induced me to notice the Knights Hospitallers in 
the history of a structure originally belonging to the Order, 
and it was impossible to do this without entering upon 
the subject of the Crusades : it is, however, desirable that 
the reader should regard the historical sketch appended 
to this volume as introduced with the sole view of exciting 
an increased interest in favour of the preservation of Little 
Maplestead Church,* which was reared by the hands of those 
who endeavoured, in this remarkable building, to perpetuate 
the form of the Church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, 
for the defence of which they had so frequently shed their 
blood. 

* At a future period I hope to be enabled to complete the History and Antiqui- 
ties of the remaining Round Churches at London, Cambridge, and Northampton, 
to which will be annexed an account of the various Commanderies belonging to 
the religious-military Orders, distinguishing those which were transferred to the 
Knights Hospitallers from those which came into their hands after the suppres- 
sion of the Templars. The nature of the subject precludes the possibility of any 
promise being given, as to the exact period when these Essays will be published ; 
they will, however, appear in succession, (commencing with the Temple Church, 
London,) at intervals, which must evidently be regulated more by the success of 
my researches, than the ardour with which I shall enter upon this interesting 
subject. 



ADDRESS. Vll 

Desirous of evincing my grateful sense of the encourage- 
ment I have received, the letter-press has been extended 
considerably beyond the proposed limits ; and numerous 
graphic illustrations have been added to those originally 
promised in the prospectus. To my numerous Subscribers 
I take this opportunity of returning my acknowledgments, 
trusting that the circumstances to which I have already 
adverted, will exonerate me from the blame of having de- 
layed the publication of the work unnecessarily. 

It remains for me to testify my obligations to the following 
Gentlemen, who have taken an interest in the work, and 
referred me to various sources of information connected with 
the subject of my inquiries: — The Rev. W. Alder, B.A. ; 
Thomas S. Addington, Esq. ; John Britton, Esq., F.R.S., 
F.S.A.; James Brewster, Esq.; — Cole, Esq.; Edward 
Cresy, Esq., F.S.A. ; J. B.Gardiner, Esq.; and R. Thomp- 
son, Esq. 



William Wallen, 

11, Spital Square, 
Feb. 10, 1836. 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 



A Lady, Blackheath. Three Copies, Large Paper, Coloured 

Abraham, R., Esq., Architect, London 

Abraham, H. R., Esq , Architect, London 

Abraham, F., Esq., Architect, York 

Adderly, Thomas, Esq., Upper Clapton. Large Paper, Coloured 

Adlington, Thomas S. Esq., Augmentation Office, Westminster. Large 

Paper, Coloured 
Aikin, George, Esq. 

Ainger, Alfred, Esq., Architect, London 
Alder, Rev. William, B. A., Little Maplestead, Essex. Two Large and 

Two Small Paper 
Allason, Thomas, Esq., Architect, London 
Allen, George, Esq., Architect, London 
Allen, Mr. 

Allfree, George, Esq., Keunington. Large Paper 
Andrew?, G. T., Esq., Architect, York 
Angell, Samuel, Esq., Architect, London. Large Paper 
Architectural Society, (The) Two Copies, Large Paper 
Ashby, Mr. Large Paper, Coloured 
Ashwell, Mr. Thomas, Tottenham. Large Paper 
Ashwell, Mr. F., Tottenham. Large Paper 
Atkinson, Miss, Huddersfield. Large Paper 
Atkinson, Miss, Halifax. Large Paper 

Atkinson, Mrs. T., Bradley Mill, Huddersfield. Large Paper 
Atkinson, Charles, Esq., Huddersfield. Large Paper 
Atkinson, T. and B., Esqrs. Architects, York 
Atkinson, John, Esq. Large Paper 
Attwood, Matthias, Esq., M.P. Large Paper 
Attwood, Wolverly, Esq. Large Paper 
Ayres, John, Esq., Priory, Hertford 

Bailey, I., Esq. 

Bailey, G., Esq. 

Baker, Rev. C, Tilmanstone Rectory, Kent. Large Paper 

Banson, Mr. T. Large Paper 

Barrow, John, Esq., Basinghall-street. Large Paper, Coloured 

Bartholomew, Alfred, Esq., Architect 

Batho, William Moss, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Bazeley, Lieut. George L., R.N., Vale House, Ripple, Kent. Large Paper 

Beatson, David, Esq., Rotherhithe 



Xll LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 

Donne, Mr. 

Doran, Rev. J. W., D.D., Islington, Large Paper 

Douw, John de Peyster, Esq., Albany, North America 

Dove, P. M., Esq., Brixton-road 

Downes, Charles, Esq. 

Drewett, John, Esq., Clapton, Middlesex 

Driver, George Neale, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Duchesne, Clarke, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Duesbury, H. Esq., Architect 

Duff, Thomas, Esq., Belfast 

Dunch, T. W., Esq., Architect 

Dyer, Charles, Esq., Architect 

Edmonds, William, Esq., Architect, Margate 

Edwards, Mr. George 

Emerson, William, Esq. Large Paper 

Everett, W., Esq., Irwell Cottage, near Manchester 

Fellowes, Edward, Esq. 

Ferrey, B., Esq., Architect. Large Paper 

Frinch, Rev. Benjamin, Vicarage, Deptford. Large Paper 

Field, James, Esq., Architect 

Fletcher, Robert, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Flower, H., Esq., Architect, London 

Forster, C, Esq. 

Foster, and Co., Messrs. Liverpool 

Fowle, C, Esq. 

Foxhall, E. M., Esq., Architect. Large Paper 

Freeborn, John, Esq., Lucking House, Great Maplestead 

French, G. R., Esq., Architect 

Frost, Mr J. 

Gardiner, J. B., Esq., Architect. Large Paper, Coloured 

Garling, H., Esq., Architect, London 

Garwood, Rev. John, B A. 

Gill, J. B., Esq., Manchester 

Gill, Mrs., Huddersrield 

Gill, Miss, Sheffield 

Gill, Miss S., Huddersrield 

Gillespie, — , Esq. 

Gillson, Thomas, Esq., Edmonton 

Ginn, Mr. Thomas, Sen., Sudbury. Large Paper 

(iinn, Mr. Thomas, Jun. ditto 

Grapel, Mr., Liverpool 

Gooclacre, Mr. William, Tottenham 

Grieve, Thomas, Esq. Large Pager, Coloured 

Grimsdell, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper 

Gritten, Mr. Large Paper 

Groom, S., Esq., Jun. 

Guillemard, J., Esq. 

Gutch, George, Esq., Architect 

Haggard, W. D., Esq., F.S.A., Lee Grove, Blackheath. Large Paper, 
Coloured 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. Mil 

Haines, — , Esq., Hemel Hempstead. Large Paper, Coloured 

Hamilton, Thomas, Esq., Edinburgh 

Hardiman, Mr. John. Large Paper, Coloured 

Harding, Mr. John 

Harridge, Rev. Mr., Lamarsh, Essex 

Harrison, Henry, Esq., Architect, London. Large Paper 

Harrison, Miss, Weston House, Sheffield 

Harrison, Miss E. ditto 

Harpur, J. B., Esq., Architect, York 

Hawkins, J. Heywood, Esq., M.P. Three Copies, Large Paper, Coloured 

Hawkins, Mr. George, Jun., Hackney 

Hearn, Mrs. H., Standen, Isle of Wight. Large Paper, Coloured 

Hebert, Mr H. 

Hendrie, R. H., Esq. Large Paper 

Hernaman, John, Esq., Newcastle. Two Copies, Large Paper 

Heme, Hugh, Esq. 

Hickson, Charles, Esq., Manchester. Large Paper 

Higgins, W, M., Esq., Architect, F.G.S. 

Hill, James, Esq. 

Hill, Mr. John, Enfield 

Hill yard, Mr. William 

Hill'yer, W. T . Esq., Fulham 

Hod'gkin, — , Esq. 

Hodgson, Mr. R. Large Paper 

Hodson, Mr. H. B. Large Paper 

Hollie, — , Esq., Glasgow 

Holmes, John, Esq., F.S.A. Large Paper 

Holmes, William, Esq., Liverpool 

Holmes, William, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Holmes, — , Esq., Abingdon, Berkshire 

Holt, Mrs., Bridge House, near Sheffield 

Hood, Thomas, Esq. 

Hope, Thomas Henry, E*q., M.P. Large Paper 

Hopgood, M., Esq. 

Hopgood, James, Esq. 

Hopkins, John, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Hopkinson, B , Esq., Essex 

Home, J. de, Esq., Lenden, near Colchester, Essex 

Hubert, S. M., Esq., London. Large Paper 

Hudson, William, Esq. 

Hughes, Miss, Hackney 

Hull, Rev. John, M.A., Stonden, Bedfordshire 

Humphreys, C, Esq., New-road 

Hunt, H. A., Esq. Three Copies, Large Paper 

I' Anson, Edward, Esq., Sen., Architect. Large Paper 
I'Anson, Edward, Esq., Jun., F.G.S. Large Paper 
PAnson, Mr. John 

Ingram, Rev. — , D.D., Trinity College, Oxford 
In man, William, Esq., Architeot, London 

Jackson, G., Esq., Architect, Hull 

James, Mr. George 

Jaques, John, Esq. Large Paper 



XIV LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 

Jardine, W., Esq., Stoke, near Halstead 

Jenkins, — , Esq., Hemel Hempstead. Large Paper, Coloured 

Johnson, Mrs., Wroxal, Isle of Wight. Large Paper 

Johnson, Miss, ditto ditto 

Johnson, Mrs., Almondbury, Yorkshire. Large Paper 

Johnson, J., Esq., Architect, London 

Johnson, H., Esq., South Lambeth 

Johnson, C, Esq., Architect 

Jolly, Mr. Robert, Rectory-place, Woolwich 

Jones, — , Esq., Liverpool 

Jones, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Jones, David, Esq. ditto 

Jones, Owen, Esq., Architect ditto 

Jones, David, Esq. 

Jones, Michael, Esq. 

Jones, Mr. 

Jones, Mr. T. 

Judkins, J., Esq. 

Jupp, William, Esq., Architect, London 

Keeble, Henry, Esq., Greenwich. Large Paper 
Kendall, H. E., Esq., Sen., Architect, F.S.A. 
Keys, H. L., Esq., Architect. Large Paper 
Kitchen, Mrs., Chelsea. Large Paper 
Kitchen, Edwin, Esq. ditto 

Knight, J. C, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 
Knowles, S. T., Esq., Architect, Ryegate, Surrey 

Lamb, E. B., Esq., Architect 

Lamb, John, Esq. Large Paper 

Landmann, Colonel C. E. Large Paper 

Lay, Rev. J. W., Colne Engaine, Essex 

Layborne, John, Esq., Castle-yard, Durham 

Lee, Henry, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Lee, John, Esq., Upper Clapton, ditto 

Leicester, G. O., Esq., Architect 

Leschallas, John, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Leschallas, William, Esq. 

Liddle, Mr., Birmingham 

Little, Thomas, Esq., Architect. Large Paper 

Little, Mr. R., Kingsland 

Lochner, J. C, Esq., Architect 

Lockwood, H. F., Esq., Architect, Doncaster 

Maclagon, G. S., Esq., F.S.A. 

Maddy, Rev. J., D.D., Somerton, Suffolk 

Mair, George, Esq., Architect 

Majendie, Ashurst, Esq., Hedingham Castle, Essex. Large Paper, 

Coloured. Two Copies 
Major, Mrs. 
Mason, Mr. J. 
Mason, Mr. Thomas 
Matthews, Mr. James 
Maurice and Co., Messrs. Large Paper, Coloured 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XV 

May, Thomas, LL.D., Enfield. Large Paper 

Mee, Arthur, Esq., Architect, London 

Melansheg, Mr. G. Large Paper, Coloured 

Merriman, Dr. 

Miers, Thomas, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Miller, Mr. James 

Mills, John, Esq. 

Mills, Mr. 

Millward, Capt., Dartmoor, Devonshire 

Monins, Rev. J., Rectory, Ringwold, Kent. Two Copies 

Moore, George, Esq., Architect, F.R.S., F.S.A. 

Moore, George, Esq. Architect 

Morgan, James, Esq., London 

Morice, John, Esq., F.S.A. 

Mortimer, Rev. Thomas, B.D., Myddelton-square, Islington 

Mountague, James, Esq., Architect, London 

Moyle, Mr. R. 

Mullholland, I., Esq., Architect, York 

Nash, John, Esq. 

Nash, Edwin, Esq. 

Nash, F., Esq., Architect. Large Paper 

Newman, John, Esq., Architect, F.S.A. 

Niblett, Mr., Mile End-road 

Nicholls, Thomas, Esq ^Architect 

Nicholls, John, Esq., Islington 

Nicholson, Mrs., Cheltenham 

Nixon, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper 

Noble, Mr. Samuel, Woolwich 

Noel, J., Esq. Large Paper 

Nokes, William, Esq., Rectory-place, Woolwich. Large Paper 

Novel, — , Esq., Farnley Wood, Almondbury, Yorkshire 

Oakley, Mr. George H. 

Oatley, Mr. 

Oddy, Mr. George, Upperthorpe, Yorkshire 

Oliver, Mr. Samuel. Large Paper 

Ord, William Henry, Esq., M.P. Large Paper 

Ousely, Sir Gore, Bart. Large Paper, Coloured 

Overton, William, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Paine, William, Esq., Greenwich Hospital. Large Paper, Coloured 

Parker, Miss, Regent's-park. Large Paper 

Parke, Henry, Esq. Large Paper 

Parker, C. C, Esq., Woodham-Mortimer-place, near Maldon. Large 

Paper 
Parker, Charles, Esq., Greenwich 
Parkinson, T., Esq. Large Paper 
Perry, Ebenezer, Esq., Architect 
Perry, T. W., Esq. 

Petit, T. Le, Esq., Weymouth. Large Paper 
Phillips, Mr. R. E. 

Piccup, Rev. J., Manchester. Large Paper 
Pickersgill, William, Esq., York 



\VI LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 

Pimm, Mr. Seven Copies 

Pinder, Rev. F. F., Gosford Rectory, Cumberland. Large Paper 

Pinhorn, J., Esq., Woolwich 

Plimpton, A., Esq. 

Poland, Sir W. H. Large Paper, Coloured 

Poland, Peter, Esq. ditto 

Powell, Walter, Esq.' 

Pownall, G., Esq , Architect, London 

Powis, John, Esq., Walworth 

Pratt, Rev. Josiah, B.D., Finsbury Circus. Large Paper, Coloured 

Prentice, Mr. W. 

Pring, T. W., Esq., Architect 

Pritchard Mr. 

Pugin, A. W., Esq., Architect 

Pulford, — , Esq., Architect 

Ralph, James, Esq. 

Ralph, J. E., Esq. 

Rawson, Miss, Wards-end, near Sheffield. Large Paper, Coloured 

Rawson, Miss, Philadelphia, near Sheffield. Large Paper 

Rawson, S., Esq., Huddersfield. Large Paper 

Read, Mr., Rickmausworth 

Reeves, James, Esq., Leyton. Large Paper, Coloured 

Reeves, Henry, Esq. ditto ditto 

Ridley, S. H., Esq., Architect 

Rigby, J. D., Esq. 

Roach, Mrs., Pan, Isle of Wight. Large Paper 

Roach, Miss, Arreton, Isle of Wight. Large Paper 

Roberts, Mr. 

Robins, John, Esq. 

Robinson, Mr. J. Six Copies 

Robinson, P. F., Esq., F.S.A., F.G.S., Vice-President of the Institute 

of British Architects. Large Paper, Coloured 
Robinson, Charles, Esq. 
Rogers, Mrs., Sheffield. Large Paper 
Rogers, — , Esq., Architect 
Rogers, Mr. Thomas. Large Paper 
Rolt, Peter, Esq., Blackheath Park. Large Paper 
Romeio, R., Esq. 

Rose, H., Esq., Architect, London' 
Ross, Mr. G. Large Paper 
Rule, Mr. Large Paper 
Rutt, Mr. C, Canonburv 
Rutt, Mr. F. 

Salvin, Anthony, Esq., Architect, F.S.A. 

Savill, Mr., Little Hedingham, Essex 

Samuel, T., Esq. Large Paper 

Samwell, W. L. W., Esq., Upton Hall, Northamptonshire 

Scott, Mr., Carlisle 

Scott, G. G. Esq.. Architect, London 

Sewell, J., Esq., Salters' Hall. Large Paper, Coloured 

Shaw, Henry, Esq , F.S.A. 

Shelford, Rev. W. H., Lavenham, Suffolk 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XVII 

Shepherd, J. B., Esq., Architect, London 

Sibley, R., Esq., Architect 

Simeon, Sir Richard G., Bart., M.P. Large Paper 

Simons, T., Esq. 

Sladen, J. B., Esq., Ripple-court, near Walmer. Large Paper, Coloured 

Slater, Joseph, Esq. 

Slater, Mrs. 

Slater, J., Esq., Jun. 

Srnallwood, Edward, Esq. 

Smith, Mrs , Cliff-house, near Sheffield 

Smith, William, Esq. 

Smith, C. J., Esq. Large Paper 

Smith, Thomas, Esq., Honeygate, Leicester 

Smith, J. Charles, Esq. 

Smith, William, Esq., Woolwich. Large Paper, Coloured 

Smith, Benjamin, Esq. 

Smith, George, Esq., Architect, Blackheath. Large Paper 

Smith, George, Esq., Greenwich 

Smith, Mr. William 

Smith, George, Esq., Architect, Hertford 

Smith, S., Esq. 

Smith, Thomas, Esq. 

Smith, Mr. Edward 

Soane, Sir John, Architect, R.A., F.R.S. Large Paper, Coloured 

Sole, W. F., Esq. 

Soper, John, Esq. 

Sopwith, Thomas, Esq., Newcastle. Large Paper 

Sowerby, Rev. William, Beckermet, Cumberland. Large Paper, 

Coloured 
Sowter, Mr. Thomas 
Sowter, Mr. William 

Stace, William, Esq., Royal Engineers, Woolwich. Large Paper 
Stacy, Miss, Sheffield 

Staunton, Rev. William, Longbridge-house, Warwick 
Stead, J., Esq ., Architect 
Stone, J. Esq., Denmark Hill 
Stone, Rev. William, M.A., Rectory, Spitalfields 
Stone, Samuel, Esq., St. John's-wood 
Storer, Rev. J. Jun., Hemingford Greys, Hunts 
Strange ways, Hon. C. Large Paper 
Stratton, H., Esq., Enfield. Three Copies 
Strong, William, Esq., Newcastle. Large Paper 
Strong, Mrs., London 

Sturt, Henry, Esq., Clapham Common. Large Paper, Coloured 
Sturtevant, Miss, Clapton 
Surr, Timothy, Esq. 
Suter, Richard, Esq., Architect, London 
Syer, A. S., Esq., Sudbury, Suffolk 

Tanqueray, Thomas Butts, Esq. Large Paper 

Tarte, William, Esq. Two Copies, Large Paper 

Taylor, G. L., Esq., Architect, F.S.A. 

Teasdale, Mr. A. 

Thatcher, Miss — , Wackland, Isle of Wight. Large Paper 



XV111 LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. 

Thomas, C. E., Esq. 

Thompson, James, Esq., Manchester. Two Copies, Large Paper 

Thurston, S., Esq., Architect 

Tibbatts, John, Esq. 

Tillard, Rev. R., M.A., Bluntisham Rectory, Hunts. Large Paper, 

Coloured. 
Tillard, Philip, Esq., M.A., Ahvalton House, Hunts. Large Paper 
Tillard, James A. Esq., St. John's College, Cambridge. Large Paper 
Tippets, J. B., Esq., Hackney-terrace 
Tite, William, Esq., Architect, F.R.S., F.G.S. 
Totton, Rev. W. C, Bluebridge, Essex 
Town, J., Esq., Architect, New York 
Tracy, C. H., Esq., M.P., one of His Majesty's Commissioners appointed 

to inspect the Designs of the Houses of Parliament 
Travers, Joseph, Esq. 
Treherne, G., Esq. 

Trickett, Matthew, Esq., Wroxall, Isle of Wight. Large Paper 
Trubshaw, T., Esq., Architect, Haywood, Staffordshire 
Turner, J. B., Esq., Lay ton. Large Paper 
Tyerman, Thomas, Esq., Architect. Large Paper 

Underwood, Rev. John, B.D., Uckfield, Sussex. Large Paper, Coloured 

Vaisey, George de Home, Esq., Maplestead, Essex 

Vaux, Robert, Esq., Court St. Lawrence, Monmouthshire. Large 

Paper, Coloured 
Venn, John, Esq., Sen., Highbury. Large Paper 
Venn, John, Esq., Jun. ditto 
Venn, William, Esq. ditto 

Vigers, W. R., Esq., Russell-square. Large Paper, Coloured 
Vigers, Charles, Esq., ditto ditto 

Vigers, Duncan, Esq., St. John's College, Cambridge ditto 
Vivian, George, Esq., one of His Majesty's Commissioners appointed to 

inspect the Designs of the Houses of Parliament 
Voysey, Annesley, Esq., Architect, London. Large Paper 
Vulliamy, Lewis, Esq , Architect, London 

Wadden, B., Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 

Wadden, Miss. Large Paper 

Waite, Rev. Thomas, D.C.L., High Halden Rectory, Kent. Large 

Paper, Coloured 
Waldy, Rev. R., Affpuddle, Dorset 
Walker, T. L., Esq., Architect. Large Paper, Coloured 
Walker, J. R., M.D., Huddersfield. Large Paper 
Wallen, John, Esq., Sen., Architect, Large Paper 
Wallen, William, Esq , Sen., Architect, ditto 
Ward, John, Esq., Manor-house, Plumstead, Kent. Large Paper 
Ward, Rev. J., Great Bod win, Wilts 
Ward, Rev. Thomas, Liverpool 
Warton, M., Esq., Jun., Architect. Large Paper 
Watkinson, Rev. R., Earl's Colne Vicarage, Essex 
Watson, James, Esq., Cheltenham. Large Paper 
Watson, Mr. H. 



LIST OF SUBSCRIBERS. XIX 

Weale, Mr., Bookseller. Seventy-five Copies Small, and Two Large 

Paper, Coloured 
Webb, Rev. William, M.A., Sunderland 
Webster, George, Esq., Architect, Kendal, Westmoreland 
Weldon, W., Esq., Bramley-hall, Handsworth, Yorkshire 
Weldon, Thomas, Esq., Upper Clapton. Large Paper, Coloured 
Western Literarv and Scientific Institution, (The London). Two Copies 
Whewell, Rev. W., JVJ.A. F.R.S., &c. Trinity College, Cambridge 
Wilkinson, Rev. H. W., Sudbury 
Williams, Mr. J., Bookseller, London. Twenty-five Copies Small, and 

Three Large Paper, Coloured 
Williams, T. J., Esq., Hackney 
Williams, Samuel, Esq. Large Paper, Coloured 
Willis, Rev. Robert, M.A., Cambridge 
Willson, William, Esq. Large Paper 
Willson, R., Esq., Architect 
Willson, Mr. J. 

Windus, Thomas, Esq., F.S.A., Stamford-hill. Large Paper, Coloured 
Windus, Benjamin Godfrey, Esq., Tottenham-green. ditto 
Windus, Thomas, Esq., Jun., Stamford-hill 
Windus, Ansley, Esq., ditto 

Woodward, J., Esq. 
Woollam, J., Esq., Hampstead 
Wright, William, Esq., Architect 
Wyatt, T. H., Esq., Architect 

Young, Mr. J. 



LIST OF THE PLATES. 



View of Little Maplestead Church, from the North-west, to face Title."* 

View of Saint John's Gate, Clerkenwell p. 124"' 

Ground Plan of Little Maplestead Churcii 160 s " 

View from the South-east ib.~^ 

Longitudinal and Transverse Sections ib. 

Architectural Details of the Interior ib. ^ 

Elevation of one of the Windows of the Nave ib. ^ 

View of the Western Doorway . . . • ib. '-- 

WOOD ENCRAVINCS. 

Arms of Sir William Weston, and the Arms and Cross of 

the Order of Knights Hospitallers Title Page. 

Figure of a Knight Hospitaller p. 33 

Figure of a Nun Hospitaller 40 

Charge of the Hospitallers at the Battle of Acre 70 

King Richard the First 72 

Monument of a Crusader 106 

Part of the Monument of Sir William Weston 123 

Representation of the Skeleton of Sir William Weston . . . ib. 

Autograph of George Harper, Esq., &c 132 

Arms of the Families of Harper 131 

,, Wiseman 133 

„ Guyon 137 

„ Bullock ib. 

View of the Chancel End of Little Maplestead Church .... 155 

View of the Church of St. Jean le Rond, at Paris 157 

Details of Little Maplestead Church 159 






THE 

gfetorp mxb gntfqmtfed 

OF 

LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



CHAPTER I. 

AN HISTORICAL SKETCH OF THE CRUSADES. 

f^15 persecutions experienced by the 
Christians during the first century were of 
the severest description ; many of them fell 
martyrs to the holy cause, and among others, 
James, the brother of our Saviour, and the 
apostles Paul and Peter. Their disciples, 
however, escaped the cruelties which were 
perpetrated by the Romans on their invasion 
of the Holy Land, by retiring from Jerusa- 
lem, having been warned by the predictions 
of our Saviour of its intended destruction. 
Even at this early period the Christians had stated places of 
public worship, and the church erected at Jerusalem served 
as the model for all others.* 

Whatever opinions may be entertained as to the causes 
which gave rise to the Crusades of a later period, it cannot 
be doubted that the early followers of the Cross were 
prompted by feelings of the purest devotion, in their desire 
to visit those places which had been consecrated by the 

* Sir George Wheler's Primitive Churches, p. 8. 

B 




Z SALE OF RELICS. 

death and passion of the Redeemer. If the desolation of 
the once all-destroying Babylon, the ruined condition of Per- 
sepolis, Baalbec, and Palmyra, the awful silence now reigning 
around the gigantic Pyramids of Egypt, and the decay that 
is gradually stealing over the beauteous temples of Greece 
and Rome, afford to the contemplative mind of the modem 
traveller many a train of profitable reflection, cold indeed 
must be that philosophy, which could steel the heart 
against the conflicting emotions arising at the sight of 
Mount Calvary, and of the prostrate condition of that city 
which was once "the beauty of holiness, and the joy of 
the whole earth ! " 

At the end of the second century, " it was a common prac- 
tice among Christians to go up to Jerusalem, to visit the 
sacred places;"* and, in the following century, the multi- 
tudes that crowded to the Holy Land were supplied with 
various relics by a wandering race of fanatics, termed Sara- 
baits, f who obtained a livelihood by their sale, and by the 
performance of fictitious miracles. Another circumstance 
contributing most powerfully to increase the number of reli- 
gious devotees, was the supposed approach of the Millen- 
nium : this idea was first promulgated by Papias ; but 
Origen, after many efforts, succeeded in throwing discredit 
upon it.J 

The Roman emperors, from Nero to Diocletian, § treated 
the Christians with unmitigated severity. It will, however, 
be unnecessary to enter into a detail of the various trials 
which the latter had to sustain during the ten persecutions : 

* Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land. Duod., 1835. 

■f Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, — third century. 

$ " Origen himself says, that the idea of the approach of the Millennium was 
confined to those of the simpler sort, and had not yet come to the ears of the 
heathen. Eusehius, however, states that it met with general reception." — Wad- 
dingtons History of the Church, p. 40. See, also, Whitby's Treatise upon the 
Millennium. 

§ " The beginning of the persecution in Diocletian's reign, was the destruction 
of the churches." — Whelers Primitive Churches, p. 10. 



THE EMPEROR CONSTANTINE. 6 

— their books were burnt, or otherwise destroyed — imprison- 
ment and slavery were inflicted upon them without hesita- 
tion, and death was not unfrequently the penalty paid by 
the strict adherents to the doctrines of the church. 

At length, the day-spring of religious liberty appeared. 
Constantine ascending the throne, Christianity was acknow- 
ledged by law, and its professors were encouraged and pro- 
tected ; the temples of the heathen gods were destroyed,* 
and on their site arose the sacred structures dedicated to 
the worship of the true God. Under the protection of this 
emperor, and his mother Helena, Jerusalem again assumed its 
wonted importance, as the glorious source whence the rays 
of religious knowledge were diffused throughout the world. 
The supposed discovery of the Holy Sepulchre, and of the 
true cross, added to the erection of numerous magnificent 
churches, not only in Jerusalem,^ but also in various other 
parts of the Holy Land, afforded additional inducements 
to the Christians of the western world to engage in pil- 
grimages. 

If we consider the state of society at this period, it cannot 
excite surprise, that the mere determination to visit the Holy 
Land rendered the pious devotee an object of veneration to 
all around him. The simplicity of his garb, the holy ob- 
ject in which he was engaged, and his meek dependance 
upon the protection of Heaven, secured for him the sympa- 
thy of the public ; and the return of the palmer J to his 

* Fleury, tome xi M sec. 33. 

t For the plan of the church of the Holy Sepulchre at Jerusalem, see Wheler, 
p. 39. 

" P. Barnardino published a plan of the Holy Sepulchre in 1619." Arclue- 
ologia, vol. vi., p. 168. 

" A description of the churches cf the early Christians may be found in 
Eusebius de Vita Constantini, M. lib. 3, cap. xxxv ; aud a plan of the church 
of the Holy Sepulchre, in Beverege's Adnotationes in Pandectas Canonum, lib. 
ii., p. 70."— Mosheim. 

t The character of the palmer is ably portrayed in Fosbroke's British Mona- 
chism, p. 421. See, also, Strutt's Dresses, and Chaucer's Canterbury Tales. 

B 2 



* PILGRIMAGES TO THE HOLY LAND. 

native land, laden with relics,* was an event of no ordinary 
interest. 

" It would be a work of no mean service to the cause 
of religion/' says a modern writer, f "could it be proved 
that the monks and pilgrims are utterly in error ; and it is 
well the sacredness of the places can be called in question 
by arguments so powerful as those within our reach. They 
have ministered to folly, superstition, and actual crime. 
Whilst they have promised a plenary forgiveness of sin, 
they have added to that sin, rendered its stain deeper, and 
its punishment more severe ; and whilst they have professed 
to magnify the death and passion of our Lord, they have 
taken from them all their power, by substituting a personal 
visit to the supposed Calvary, in place of an application, by 
faith, to the Son of God in heaven. It was in mercy that 
the tomb of Moses was hidden from the knowledge of the 
Jews, and it has been in equal mercy that the exact situa- 
tion of the tomb of Jesus has been hidden from the know- 
ledge of the church; as it has thus been saved from the 
desecration of the thousand sins that have been committed 
under the sanctity of its holy name." 

During the fourth J and succeeding centuries, an additional 
value seems to have been placed upon every thing relating 
to the Holy Land. The bones of martyrs,^ the relics of 

* The same anxiety for the possession of relics was evinced at a later period. 

" Ladye. But is there no token that he hath sent, 
No token of love to me, — 
No relique o' the rood, or pearl orient, 
Or gaude o' the East countrie ? 
Palmer. Oh ! I've no relique or Eastern gaude, 

Fair ladye, to bring to thee." — the ladye and the palmer. 

Evans's Collection of Ballads, vol. iv., p. 112. 

t Hardy's Notices of the Holy Land. 

X " Before the end of the sixth century, the dangerous usages which had ori- 
ginated in the fourth, of exposing images of Saints, of the Virgin, and even of 
Christ, in places consecrated to worship, had taken as deep root in the western 
as in the eastern church." — Waddington, p. 151. 

$ " It is probable that the doctrine of paying honour to the bones of martyrs 
and pious people, was the occasion of changing the ancient custom, which never 



JULIAN THE APOSTATE. O 

the true cross,* and even the soilf itself, were said to be 
efficacious in the removal of diseases, and in securing the 
possessor from the assaults of the Tempter. It was well 
known to the attendants at the Holy Sepulchre, that there 
is no limit within which superstitious credulity can be con- 
fined ; so that the more general the demand became for 
the possession of some relic, connected either with the life or 
death of our Saviour, the more readily was it supplied. J 

The encouragement which the Christians had received 
from Constantine ceased at his death. Upon Julian the 
Apostate ascending the throne, he wrote a hypocritical letter 
to the various nations that had espoused Christianity, en- 
treating them to offer up prayers to Heaven that he might 
be victorious over the Persians, and be thereby enabled to 
rebuild the walls of Jerusalem. This flagrant attempt to 
falsify a prophecy, upon the truth of which Christianity 
itself depended, was followed by a direct interposition of 
Providence. § No sooner had Alypius, the friend of the 
emperor, commenced this mighty undertaking, than a 
strange appearance presented itself in the heavens, and an 
earthquake, accompanied by subterranean fire, || consumed 
the materials and destroyed many of the workmen. ^f 

After the death of Julian, the Christians received protec- 

allowed the burial of Christians in churches." — Warner's Church History of 
England, book iii. 

* See Appendix A. 

t " Lalande (Voyage en Italie, torn, ii,) says, that at Pisa the cemetery called 
Campo Santo contains, according to report, five fathoms of Holy Land, brought 
in 1218 from Jerusalem by the Pisans." — Mills's History of the Crusades, vol. i. 
(See Appendix B.) 

t " The coffers of the church were enriched by the sale of relics, and the do- 
minion of the clergy became powerful in proportion to the growth of religious 
abuses and corruptions." — Mills, vol. i. } p. 9. 

§ Vie de l'Empereur Julien, par l'Abbe Bletterie, p. 347. 

|| See Appendix C. 

1[ See Waddington's History of the Church for some interesting observations 
upon this subject. 



O MAHOMED. 

tion from his successors ; # but at length Jerusalem fell into 
the hands of the Persians, and William of Tyre relates, that 
upon this occasion not less than 36,000 Christians were put 
to death ;f the cross was borne off by the victors amidst the 
lamentations of the Christians, and the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre was destroyed. The Emperor Heraclius, finding 
himself unable to cope with the Persians, agreed to pay a 
heavy tribute in order to obtain peace; but whilst this 
tribute was being collected, he roused himself from his 
lethargy, entered Persia with a large army, and succeeded 
in throwing off the yoke. Regaining possession of the true 
cross, he returned with it to Jerusalem, and bore it with 
naked feet to the top of Mount Calvary. J 

During the seventh century, appeared the false prophet 
Mahomed ; and although it was long before his religion was 
generally received, its introduction caused a great change in 
the eastern world. § Boldly encouraging his followers to 
take up arms in order to promulgate his doctrines, he pro- 
ceeded to wreak his vengeance upon his opponents, by ex- 
terminating all those who disavowed the sacredness of his 
mission. To those who died fighting under his standard, he 
promised the joys of paradise, and condemned such as 
staid idly at home to the pains of hell. His cruelty was 
particularly directed against the Jews,|| seven hundred of 

* " Valentinian practised universal toleration. Theodosius published a famous 
edict against Polytheism ; and, in 388, Christianity was established by the 
Roman senate." — Waddington. 

In 364 the Roman empire was divided : Valentinian was the emperor of the 
western capital, Rome ; and Valens of the eastern capital, Constantinople. 

t Gul. Tyrrius. 

| Outlines of History, p. 166. Fuller's Holy War, p. 7. Yertot. 

§ Stebbing's History of Chivalry and the Crusades, vol. i. 

|| Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. 7. 

One of the verses of the Koran is as follows : — 

" Abraham was neither Jew nor Christian ; 
He was orthodox — a Mussulman — and 
An adorer of the one God." 

Le Coran, par M. Savary, tome i. 



THE CALIPH OMAR. 7 

whom he is said to have buried alive at one time ; and the 
Christians also suffered in the midst of these barbarous 
excesses. 

" There can be little doubt/' says Mosheim, " that the 
terror of Mahomed's arms, and the repeated victories which 
were gained by him and his successors, were the irresistible 
arguments that persuaded such multitudes to embrace his 
religion, and submit to his dominion. Besides, his law was 
artfully and marvellously adapted to the corrupt nature of 
man, having a more particular reference to the manners and 
opinions of the eastern nations, and the vices to which they 
were naturally addicted. The duties it required were few 
in number, and not such as were incompatible with the 
empire of appetites and passions. " # 

During the reign of Aboo Beker,f who succeeded Maho- 
med, the Arabians living on the confines of Persia became 
tributary to the Moslems. Aboo Beker afterwards entered 
Syria with his troops, took the fortress of Bozra, and in- 
vested Damascus. The Damascenes being compelled to 
capitulate, it was agreed that such as were desirous of so 
doing, should be permitted to leave the city ; and that those 
who preferred remaining there should be allowed to carry on 
their usual occupation, upon the payment of a heavy capita- 
tion tax. This arrangement was not, however, carried into 
full effect, as those who had retired from Damascus were 
afterwards pursued by the Mahomedan leader, and cut in 
pieces. These successes on the part of the infidels were 
soon followed by others of greater importance ; and Persia, 
Arabia, and Syria, were subdued by the troops of the Caliph 
Omar. At the battle of Yermuk, J the Christians met with 
a complete reverse ; and in a short time the black standard 
of Mahomed was planted on the walls of Jerusalem. Upon 

* Mosheim's Ecclesiastical History, — seventh century. Reland de Religione 
Mahumedica. Fuller's Holy War, p. 7. 

t Lardner's Cyclopaedia : Outlines of History, p. 173. Fuller's Holy War, 
p. 7. 

$ Vertot. — Histoire des Chevaliers Hospitaliers de St. Jean de Jerusalem. 



8 INCREASE OF PILGRIMAGES. 

this occasion, the Caliph Omar entered the gates of the Holy 
City at the head of his victorious troops, but exhibited a 
degree of moderation and magnanimity which has seldom 
been equalled. Whilst the patriarch of Jerusalem, and 
others, were offering up their prayers within the church of 
the Sepulchre, the Caliph remained reverently without, un- 
willing to interfere with the religious duties of those, who 
had too much reason to feel anguish at the necessity to which 
they had been driven of giving up the Holy City into the 
hands of the Moslems : so severely indeed did the venerable 
patriarch feel his abject condition, that in a short time he 
died of a broken heart.* 

" After gaining possession of Jerusalem, the followers 
of Mahomed took Antioch and Aleppo. They then marched 
onward towards Constantinople, invaded Egypt, rushed 
along the northern shore of Africa, and eventually took 
possession of Carthage. Spain fell into their hands in the 
commencement of the eighth century, and their progress 
was not stopped until they had reached the heart of 
France, "f 

Although Jerusalem was wrested from the hands of the 
Christians, permission was still granted them, upon payment 
of a capitation tax, to continue their devotions at the sepul- 
chre of Christ. J 

" And true devoted pilgrims were not wanting, 
To measure acres with their feeble steps." 

The custom of making pilgrimages seems to have increased 
with the difficulties that presented themselves ; and those 
who were willing to encounter all the dangers which attended 
the Christian in his progress to Jerusalem through a hostile 
country, became the special favourites of the church. The 
relics, which were brought back to Europe, were eagerly 

* Vertot. t Waddington's History of the Church. 

X "The followers of Mahomed found it more politic to tolerate, than to exter- 
minate 5 so that Christianity was not immediately extirpated from any of the 
conquered countries : they proffered the alternative of the Koran, or tribute." — 
Waddington. 



DISSENSIONS IN THE CHURCH. y 

sought after; and the supposed discovery of the true cross 
by the Empress Helena, in the fourth century, gave rise 
to hundreds of impositions ; so that " every church in Chris- 
tendom was graced with some pretended relic of the Re- 
deemer and his Apostles." # Indeed it was ordained, at a 
subsequent period, by a council held at Constantinople, that 
no church should be consecrated without relics. f 

In the eighth century, the Christian world was divided 
upon the subject of the worship of images. Leo, the Isau- 
rian, determined upon suppressing the practice ; but the 
monastic orders of the west, incited by the Pope, resolutely 
opposed his efforts. His son Constantine, however, in 754, 
at a council held at Constantinople, at which were present 
three hundred and thirty-eight bishops, succeeded in effect- 
ing his object, and the destruction of images was solemnly 
determined upon. Those who were present at this council, 
and all such as espoused the same cause, were termed Icono- 
clasts, (or Image-breakers) ; and their opponents, Iconola- 
ters, (or I mage- worshippers.) The Empress Irene, having 
poisoned her husband in 780, and usurped the throne during 
the minority of her son, summoned a council at Nice in 786, 
by which the worship of images was restored, and severe 
punishment denounced against those who maintained that 
God was the only object of religious adoration. 

At this period, the whole of Christendom was convulsed by 
these dissensions, and a learned Englishman addressed a 
letter to Charlemagne, in the names of the kings and 
sovereigns of Europe, disapproving of the decisions of the 
council of Nice. Charlemagne himself was afterwards dis- 
tinguished as a mediator in the cause. He was, however, 
favourable to the opinions of the Iconoclasts ; and having 
summoned a council, consisting of three hundred bishops, at 
Frankfort on the Maine, in the year 794, the decree of the 

* Stebbiug's History of Chivalry and the Crusades, 
t Priestley's History of the Church, vol. i., p. 168. 



10 CHARLEMAGNE. HAltUN AL RASCHID. 

council held at Constantinople against the worship of images 
was again confirmed. 

It will be unnecessary to pursue this subject further: 
enough has been said to point out one of the sources to 
which the differences between the Greek and Latin churches 
at this period may be correctly traced. 

In the year 799, Jerusalem was once more in the posses- 
sion of the Christians. The Caliph Harun al Raschid, 
admiring the talents and virtues of Charlemagne, and being 
willing to alleviate the sufferings of the pilgrims, presented 
the emperor with the keys of the Holy City. Charlemagne 
readily availed himself of the various privileges which 
resulted from this invaluable gift. A hospital and library 
were erected at Jerusalem, at his expense, for the use of the 
Christians ; and he gave other proofs of his liberality, although 
he did not visit the Holy Land himself.* The friendship 
that subsisted between these illustrious men was extremely 
beneficial to the church, and its effects were not obliterated 
for many years after their decease. 

" But afterwarde, for many a yeare, 
Christian men, both far and near, 
Yeden the way to Jerusalem, 
To the Sepulchre and to Bethlem, 
And to all other pilgrimage, 
Withouten harm or damage." 

At length, the caliphs of Bagdad, suffering severely from 
the open and avowed rebellion of the Turkish emirs, and 
having experienced some reverses in their contests with the 
Christians, became tributary to the throne of Constantinople ; 
but just at this important crisis, the Greek emperor was 
carried off by death. 

This circumstance was favourable to the Moslems; the 

* "In an old and marvellous history of his exploits, we find him honoured as 
the leader of a band of heroes to Jerusalem, and guided by miracle through 
pathless wilds aud forests, taking possession of the Holy City." — Stebbing, vol. ii., 
p. 30. 






ERECTION OF HOSPITALS AT JERUSALEM. 11 

Caliph Hakem, who surpassed all his predecessors in 
cruelty towards the Christians and Jews, obtained possession 
of Jerusalem, and endeavoured to destroy every trace of the 
church of the Holy Sepulchre, although he subsequently 
promised to order its restoration. 

The dangers to which the Christians were continually 
exposed at the hands of the infidels, clearly evince the 
necessity that existed at this period for some permanent 
protection being obtained for the pilgrims from the west. 
Some rich merchants of Amain, a city in the kingdom of 
Naples, observing, in their commercial intercourse with the 
Holy Land, the hatred which the Moslems displayed towards 
the Christians, applied to the Caliph of Cairo for permission 
to erect a church at Jerusalem ; and this application was 
rendered eminently successful by the accompaniment of a 
costly present.^ 

The structure raised upon the spot appropriated to the use 
of the Christians, was dedicated to the Holy Virgin, under 
the title of. St. Mary ad Latinos. Two hospitals were also 
erected, each having a chapel attached, and these were 
respectively dedicated to St. John the Almoner, and St. 
Mary Magdalene. "These charitable establishments were 
open to the suffering of every persuasion, and even the 
Moslems received alms. The members of the Christian 
church were entertained without distinction of nation or 
condition. There they clothed again such as had been 
stripped by robbers ; there the sick were treated with care ; 
and every kind of misery found, in the charity of these 
Hospitallers, a new kind of mercy to relieve it- ,, + 

The promise made by the Caliph Hakem to restore the 
church of the Holy Sepulchre, was not fulfilled ; but after his 
death, the Christians, by the aid of the Greek emperors, 
rebuilt it. Christianity, however, soon had another enemy 
to contend with. The Turcomans, a barbarous people, 
destitute of every religious feeling, after having aided the 

* Vertot. t Ibid.. 



12 SUFFERINGS OF THE CHRISTIANS. 

Arabians against their enemies, united themselves together, 
levied vast armies, and in a short time expelled the Egyptians 
from Jerusalem. In their eyes the Christians and the Egyp- 
tians were objects of equal detestation, and "they plunged 
their swords with undistinguished cruelty in the hearts of 
their hapless victims."* During these excesses, the hospital 
of St. John was plundered, and avarice alone prevented the 
destruction of the church of the Holy Sepulchre, as the 
annual revenue, arising from the capitation tax paid by the 
Christians, was too great to render it politic for the tempo- 
rary possessor of Jerusalem to cut off so great a source of 
wealth. 

The great changes that were constantly taking place in the 
Holy Land, and the continuance, or rather the increase, of 
suffering on the part of the Christians under each new 
master, could not pass unnoticed in the western world ; nor 
did the pilgrims, on their return to Europe, fail to give 
a mournful account of the privations they had endured, and 
the dangers they had escaped. The sympathy that was ex- 
cited in their behalf, soon gave way to the desire of vengeance 
upon their persecutors ; and the martial and enterprising spirit 
of the age strongly aided the project of a general crusade 
against the infidels. No circumstance, however, tended so 
strongly to promote this cause, as the idea that generally 
prevailed of the approach of the Millennium mentioned in 
the book of Revelations.-j- 

" Bernhard, a hermit of Thuringia, had promulgated, in 960, 
the certain assurance, that at the end of a thousand years 
the fetters of Satan would be broken; and that after the 
reign of anti-Christ was terminated, the world would be 
consumed by sudden conflagration. There was something 
plausible in the doctrine, and it was peculiarly suited to the 

* Mills. 

+ " It was supposed, that the one thousand years mentioned in Scripture were 
accomplished, and that the Redeemer would manifest himself on Mount Zion." 
— Clarke's Vestigia Anglicana, p. 326. London, 8vo. 1826. 



PILGRIMAGES OF THE TENTH CENTURY. 13 

gloomy superstition of the age : the clergy adopted it, it was 
diffused in every direction with astonishing rapidity, and 
embraced with an ardour proportioned to the obscurity of 
the subject, and the greediness of human credulity. The 
belief pervaded and influenced every rank of society, not as 
a cold and indifferent assent, but as a motive for the most 
important undertakings."* 

Ingulph, Abbot of Croyland, was among the most eminent 
pilgrims who left England during this period. He has given 
a most distressing account of the sufferings he endured, and 
thus alludes to his preparation. " At length, as it was noised 
abroad that many archbishops and bishops of the empire, 
and many other princes, meant to go to Jerusalem, I, among 
others, as well soldiers as clerks, with the consent of William 
Duke of Normandy, prepared myself." f This company, in 
passing through Lycia, was robbed and maltreated by the 
Arabs. On their arrival at Jerusalem, the pilgrims were 
received by the patriarch, who accompanied them in pro- 
cession to the Holy Sepulchre. They were much distressed 
at witnessing the destruction that had been made among 
the Christian churches by the unholy Hakem ; and Ingulph 
says, that such were the sufferings of his companions during 
their sojourn in the Holy Land, that of thirty knights who 
went out of Normandy suitably apparelled, only twenty 
returned, and those were in poverty and in ill health, and 
compelled to make the toilsome journey on foot. 

Pilgrimages were now made rather by stealth than openly, 
owing to the infidels continuing to place every obstruction 
in the way of those who visited the Holy Land. But Europe 
was preparing to avenge these cruelties. Pope Gregory 
the Seventh, having been applied to by the Greek Emperor 
Manuel for assistance against the Turks, soon raised an 
army of fifty thousand men, which he promised to lead in 
person against the infidels ; but this promise was never ful- 

* Waddington. 

t Historia Ingulphi (Rer. Anglic.) Oxonias, 1684. Stowe's Annals, Lond., 
1631, p. 116. 



14 PETER THE HERMIT. 

filled, owing to motives of prudence, which induced him to 
direct his attention to matters more deeply affecting the 
interests of the Latin church. 

Peter the Hermit, a native of Amiens, in France, was the 
chief instrument # in exciting the nations of Europe in favour 
of a general crusade. This extraordinary man — living in 
extreme poverty — his countenance worn by continual prayer 
and fasting — his exterior mean and unimposing — had little 
to recommend him but a persuasive eloquence, a lively 
imagination, and the highest degree of enthusiasm in the 
cause which he had espoused. Having himself visited the 
Holy Land, he had been subjected to the most ignomi- 
nious treatment by the Turks. Whilst at Jerusalem, the 
patriarch Simeon, hearing how deeply he was affected by 
the scenes which he witnessed, sent for him, and entered 
into conversation upon the subject. The hermit listened 
attentively to the painful details given by the patriarch, of 
the barbarous treatment which he had himself received at 
the hands of the Turks, and the sufferings endured by the 
Christians generally ; and being deeply affected by the re- 
cital, he inquired w T hy the Greek emperors tamely suffered 
these excesses to be committed, without making the slight- 
est effort to prevent their continuance. The patriarch 
explained that they were scarcely able to defend them- 
selves^ and that within a few years nearly half of their 
empire had been wrested from them by the Turks ; who, 
with extraordinary rapidity, had effected a mighty revo- 
lution in Asia, and whose victorious armies had even 
penetrated to the very heart of Europe. " I will rouse, " 
exclaimed the hermit, " the martial nations of the west in 
your cause ; J and if you will address a letter to the Pope, 

* Stowe's Annals, p. 132. Matthaeus Westmonasteriensis, lib. ii., p. 17. 
Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 2. Fleury, tome xiii., p. 585. 

t " A peine peuvent ils se defendre eux-memes, toute leur force est tombee, 
et vous pouvez avoir appriz que depuis peu d'annees ils out perdu plus de la 
moitie de leur empire." — Fleury. 

X Gibbon. 



POPE URBAN. 15 

I will be the bearer of it, and second your application by 
offering to preach the crusade throughout the provinces." 
The patriarch was equally struck with the vastness of the 
enterprise, and the personal insignificance of the individual 
with whom the idea originated. The searching glance of 
Peter's eye, # lit up by religious enthusiasm, could not, 
however, escape notice ; and the earnestness with which he 
expressed himself upon the subj ect of their conversation, soon 
caused the patriarch to decide upon the course he should 
pursue. He accordingly addressed a most touching letter 
to Pope Urban, imploring his assistance on behalf of the 
Christians in Palestine, and gave the necessary credentials 
to the holy hermit. A circumstance soon occurred which, 
according to Peter's own statement, hastened his departure 
for Italy. Whilst praying within the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre for the success of his project, he fell into a trance, 
during which Christ appeared to him, saying, " Rise, Peter, 
and execute your commission, — I will be with you; it is 
time the holy places were purified, and my servants pro- 
tected." No sooner had Peter awakened from this trance, 
than he took an affectionate leave of the patriarch of Jeru- 
salem, and proceeded on his mission. 

As soon as Pope Urban f became acquainted with the 
afflictions of the Christians in the east, he determined upon 
appealing to the princes of Europe in their behalf, — not 
openly avowing himself, in the first instance, as the prime 
mover of the crusade, but prudently allowing the hermit 
to preach upon the subject throughout the various parts of 
Europe, so as to enable him to ascertain whether the general 
feeling was favourable to the undertaking. 

Armed with the authority of the pontiff, Peter went forth 

* " Erat autem hie idem statura pusillus, et quantum ad exteriorem hominem, 
persona contemptibilis. Sed major in exigno regnabat car-pore virtus. Vivacis 
enim ingenii erat ; et oculum habens perspicacem, gratumque, et sponte fluens 
ei non deerat eloquium." — Gull. Tyrr., lib. i., c. xi., p. 637. (Gesta Dei.) 

t Annales de Margan. Mattbaeus Westmonasteriensis, lib. ii., p. 17. Stowe's 
Annals, p. 132. Speed's History of Great Britain, p. 461. Chronica de 
Mailros, p. 163. 



16 PETER PREACHES THE CRUSADE. 

in the full assurance of success ; and the mournful picture 
which he drew of the excesses committed by the Turks, 
heightened in its effect by the vehemence of his gesture, 
drew tears from the multitudes that flocked around him. 
The emaciated state of his body, induced by long abstinence 
and prayer, his naked feet, the coarseness of his dress, and 
the insignificance of his person, were placed in striking 
contrast with the passionate appeals which he made to his 
auditory. 

If Pope Gregory had previously succeeded in directing the 
attention of Europe to the subject of the Crusade, Urban, 
by means of this enthusiastic missionary, at length convinced 
the nations that it was an indispensable duty # to wage a 
war of extermination against the infidels. The whole of 
Europe was thrown into a state of fanaticism by his preach- 
ing ; social duties and obligations were regarded as of secon- 
dary importance ; and such was the temper of the times, that 
it appeared as though the countless myriads of the west 
were about to be transferred to the shores of Asia. Where- 
ever Peter preached, conviction struck the hearts of his 
hearers, and it was not long before he returned to the Pope 
to give an account of the success that had attended his 
efforts. 

Urban now openly avowed himself favourable to the cause 
of the Crusade ;f and the council which he summoned at 
Placentia consisted of thirty thousand of the laity, and four 
thousand of the clergy, including no less than two hundred 
bishops. J The ambassadors of the Emperor Alexius were 
introduced for the purpose of appealing to the assembly in 
favour of their suffering brethren in the Holy Land ; and 
they did not fail to avail themselves of the opportunity 
which thus presented itself of enforcing the necessity, not 

* Brady's History of England, p. 223. Waddington, p. 304. 

t " The Popes were the only gainers by this great adventure ; and all other 
princes of Europe, when they cast up their audit, found themselves losers." — 
Fullers Holy War, p. 11. 

$ Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire. 



THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT. 17 

only of checking any further inroads of the Turks upon the 
possessions of the Christian princes, but also of expelling 
them from their newly acquired territory in Syria. Tears 
flowed plentifully at the recital of the various cruelties in- 
flicted upon the pilgrims who visited Jerusalem, and at 
length it was determined to attempt the deliverance of the 
Holy City. The Pope dismissed the assembly with his 
blessing, and with the promise of summoning another coun- 
cil at Clermont, in the territories of the Duke of Auvergne; 
advising that, in the interim, the necessary preparation should 
be made for the approaching contest. 

At the council of Clermont, Urban proceeded to address 
his hearers in a style of eloquence admirably adapted to 
inflame their passions, and bring their minds over to the 
obj ect in which he was so deeply interested ; they were, 
however, previously acquainted with the purport of his ad- 
dress, if not with the varied arguments connected with it. 
The preacher, by his influence, arising in a great measure 
from the exalted station which he occupied in the church, 
had drawn around him a greater number of ecclesiastics 
than had attended the council previously held at Placentia.* 

He first described the recent acquisitions of the Turks in 
Asia and Africa, and mentioned the probability, that in some 
capricious moment they would again attempt to subjugate 
Europe. He then, by the introduction of a very ingenious 
argument, explained the cause of the supineness of the 
Greeks, and the necessity that existed for interference on 
the part of the nations of the west ; observing, with great 
naivete, that those who lived in the east were under the 
influence of a scorching sun, and had, therefore, little blood 
to spare ; and that it behoved those who lived in a different 
climate, " their blood flowing luxuriantly in their veins," 
to shed it freely for the sake of Christ. To those joining the 
Crusade, he promised plenary forgiveness of sin and hea- 
venly beatitude after death. The rich and the poor were 

* See the Acts of the Council of Clermont. — Concil. torn, xif., p. 829, &c. 

C 



18 THE COUNCIL OF CLERMONT. 

addressed by arguments adapted to their different condi- 
tions ; and, after remarking that no ties of kindred were 
sufficiently strong to set aside the duty which he prescribed 
to them, he thus addressed the general assembly, in con- 
clusion : — 

" Do you, therefore, my dear brethren, arm yourselves 
with the zeal of God, march to the succour of your bre- 
thren, and the Lord be with you. Turn against the enemy 
of the Christian name, the arms which you employ in in- 
juring each other. # Redeem, by a service so agreeable to 
God, your pillages, conflagrations, homicides, and other mor- 
tal crimes, so as to obtain his ready pardon. We exhort 
you and enjoin you, for the remission of your sins, to have 
pity on the afflictions of our brethren at Jerusalem, and to 
repress the insolence of the infidels, who propose to subju- 
gate kingdoms and empires, and to extinguish the name of 
Christ.*!' Having confidence in the pity of the Almighty, 
and the authority of St. Peter, we remit the sins J of all 
those who will fight against the infidels, and those who die 
in true penitence need not doubt that they will receive the 
pardon of their offences, and an eternal reward. We take 
under the especial care and protection of the church and 
Saint Peter all those who engage in this holy enterprise ; 
and ordain that their persons and their goods be in per- 
fect safety." 

No sooner had the Pope concluded his address, than the 

* Whilst Pope Urban excited the nations of the west against the infidels, he 
seems to have forgotten 

" That God has formed 
Mankind to be one mighty brotherhood ; 
Himself our Father, and the world our home." — Coleridge. 

t Fleury, tome xiii., p. 587. Waddington. 

| The clergy also were authorized to remit the sins and to relieve from purga- 
tory those who assumed the cross. 

" Par Pautorite de Dieu tout puissant, de St. Pierre et de St. Paul, et de notre 
tres saint pere le Pape, a moi commise, je vous accorde la remission de tous vos 
peches confesses, oublies, ignores, et des peines du purgatoire." — Voltaire, Essai 
sur les Mozurs, tome ii., p. 529. 



A CRUSADE DETERMINED UPON. 19 

multitude exclaimed, as with one voice, " God wills it ! " # 
" Yes, my dear brethren," said the sovereign pontiff, " God 
indeed wills it ; and this day is accomplished the saying of 
Jesus Christ, that where two or three are gathered together 
in his name, there is He in the midst of them ; for had you 
not been influenced from on high, you would not have thus 
expressed yourselves. Let this, therefore, be your war-cry 
—God wills it." 

Great numbers of the clergy and laity received the cross 
at the hands of the Pope, whom they entreated, but in vain, 
to march at their head. Adhelm, or Adhemar, Bishop of 
Puy, was appointed Legate to the Crusade ; and the Pope 
then enjoined those who had assumed the cross to be pre- 
pared to depart for the Holy Land by the 15th of August of 
the ensuing year, f 

* " Deus vult ! Deus vult ! was the pure acclamation of the clergy who under- 
stood Latin. By the illiterate laity, who spoke the provincial, or Limousin 
idiom, it was corrupted to Deus lo vult ! or Diex el volt!" — Gibbon. 

t It must not be understood, that all assuming the cross visited the Holy 
Land ; or that those promising- to aid the holy cause, by pecuniary or other 
grants, always performed their promises. Richard the First was authorized by 
the Pope to receive a consideration from those who had assumed the cross, in lieu 
of pilgrimage to the Holy Land (Rapin) ; and the following passage will fully 
prove to the reader, that the promise to assist in the Crusades was sometimes 
handed down from father to son, as an heir-loom. 

" Whereas I, Roger Beauchamp, am bound to do service on the Infidels by desire 
of my grandsire, Sir Walter Beauchamp, to the extent of 200 marks, — 1 will that 
Roger, son to Roger my son, shall perform the same when he comes of age." — 
Nicholas Testamenta Vetusta, p. 104. 



C 2 



20 



APPEAL TO THE PRINCES OF EUROPE. 



CHAPTER II. 



FIRST CRUSADE, 1096. WILLIAM RUFUS. 




C^^IB Urban* having dissolved the 
council of Clermont, the bishops and 
other ecclesiastics who had attended it, 
proceeded to preach the Crusade in their 
several dioceses ; the pontiff himself, 
being at the same time actively engaged in ad- 
dressing letters to the King of England,f and 
the other reigning princes of Europe, in favour 
of the project. These princes were, however, 
as little inclined as the Pope himself, to ven- 
ture their personal safety in the Holy War : — 
" Henry the Fourth, the emperor of the west, 
was not disposed to leave his dominions; 
Philip of France was occupied by his plea- 
sures ; William Rufus of England, by a recent 
conquest; the kings of Spain in a domestic war with the 
Moors; and the northern monarchs of Scotland, Denmark, 
Sweden, and Poland, were yet strangers to the passions and 
interests of the south. "J 

The holy cause was, however, warmly espoused by many 

* Fuller says, that the Pope's object in promoting the Crusades, was to make 
the eastern church a chapel of ease to the mother church of Rome. — Holy War, 
p. 11. 

-f- Hist. Lit. de la France, tome viii. Histoire Eccl6siastique, par M. Fleury, 
tome xiii., p. 567. 

X Gibbon's Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, vol. vii. 



MOTIVES OF THE CRUSADERS. 21 

illustrious princes of the second order; and the names of 
some of these religious military heroes # have descended 
to posterity. Such was the state of society at the period 
when Peter the Hermit preached the Crusade, that little 
surprise can be felt at the astonishing effects resulting from 
it. The learning which had characterised the preceding 
centuries was gradually dwindling away ; ignorance and 
its accompaniment — superstition, were once more gaining the 
ascendency over the minds of those who occupied the more 
elevated situations in life;y and the rumour of the ap- 
proaching Millennium, so well calculated to excite terror and 
dismay in uninformed minds, had for some time been gaining 
ground. 

The preaching of Peter, added to the powerful address of 
Pope Urban, threw the whole of Europe into a state of con- 
vulsion ; during which, the social fabric was shaken to its 
very foundations, and the ties of kindred were either for- 
gotten, or entirely disregarded. 

The love of warfare inflamed the minds of those who had 
long been familiar with the battle-field, whilst such as had 
hitherto enjoyed all the sweets of social and domestic 
happiness were induced to resign those blessings from a 
mistaken sense of duty. Parents tottering on the brink of 
the grave, and dependent upon their children for the common 
necessaries of life, were deserted without compunction, — 
their wretched offspring, with minds inflamed by a wild and 
ungovernable fanaticism, checking the rising appeals of na- 
tural affection by observing, that " they who would not leave 
father and mother for the sake of Christ, were unworthy of 
him." The husband, who had hitherto proved himself a pro- 
tector to his wife and children, turned a deaf ear to their en- 

* " The engrafting of the virtues of humanity and the practical duties of 
religion on the sanguinary qualities of the warrior, was a circumstance heneficial 
to the world."— Mills, vol. i. t p. 34. 

t " Eche was not lettred that then was a lorde, 
Nor eche a elerke that had a benefice ; 
All were not lawyers that did plees recorde, 
All those promoted were not fully wise." 



22 MOTIVES OF THE CRUSADERS. 

treaties, and abandoned them to their hapless fate. "The 
monk and the recluse tired of their cells, and the peasant 
weary of his labour; and all blinded by the feeble glimmering of 
a false zeal, deserted their stations and their former calling : " * 
some engaged in the Crusade to escape the charge of cow- 
ardice, others merely for the sake of good companionship. 

If this sudden change took place in the minds of the 
more virtuous part of the community, how direful were its 
effects upon those who had already turned aside from the 
path of rectitude, and had thus become aliens from society ! f 
The murderer, whose hands had been imbrued in the 
blood of a fellow-Christian, was taught that Heaven would 
overlook the commission of a crime which had hitherto been 
unforgiven, and that the decrees of the Almighty would be 
reversed in his favour, if he would but sheathe his sword in 
the heart of the hapless Saracen. Debtors were released 
from their engagements upon assuming the cross, " and pi- 
rates, murderers, and robbers, were allowed to wash away 
their guilt in the blood of the infidels." J In short, by the 
promise of plenary forgiveness of sin, nations were urged, 
as if by the command of Heaven, to the commission of crimes 
which had been previously considered as equally subversive 
of individual and social happiness. § 

" Sex and age, 
Nation and language, jointly did engage 
Their motley forces to redress thy woes, 
Jerusalem, ravish'd by barbarous foes. 



* " II y eut des eVeques ; entre autres, Adhemar du Pui, L6gat pour la 
Croisade, et Guillaume Eveque d'Orange, quantite de pretres et d'autres clercs, 
quantite d 'abbes, et de moines, et meme des reclus, qui sortoient de leurs cellules." 
— Fleury, tome xiii., p. 601. 

t Fuller observes, that the first Crusade was the great sewer that carried off the 
impurities of Europe. 

t " Thousands, nay millions, of armed saints and sinners ranged themselves 
to fight the battles of the Lord."— Mills, vol. i., p. 61. 

§ See Ducange (torn, ii., pp. 651, 652,) for the privileges aud immunities en- 
joyed by those who assumed the cross. 



PREPARATION FOR THE CRUSADE. 23 

But soon, alas ! their valiant soldiers fell 

By th' angel, Turk, and death, heaven, earth, and hell. 

Those that escaped came home as full of grief 

As the poor purse is empty of relief; 

And many found their gains, alas ! no more 

Than crosses gules, instead of crosses or." — Fuller. 

But whilst the lower orders of society regarded the Cru- 
sade as the means of enabling them to acquire plunder and 
to indulge in every excess, the higher orders were influenced 
by nobler feelings ; and although ambition and the love of 
military renown may have influenced some in assuming the 
cross, many were prompted by feelings of devotion to engage 
in a war, which they considered as not only permitted, but 
even enj oined by Heaven. 

Of the princes who acted as leaders in the first Crusade, 
the following were the most illustrious. Godfrey de Bouil- 
lon ; his brothers, Eustace and Baldwin ; Robert Curthose, 
Duke of Normandy, # (brother of the King of England) ; 
Stephen, Earl of Albemarle; Roger de Clinton, Bishop of 
Lichfield ; Odo, Bishop of Bayeux and Earl of Kent ; 
Robert, Count of Flanders; Stephen, Count of Chartres; 
Adhelm, or Adhemar, Bishop of Puy, (the Pope's Legate) ; 
Raymond, Count of Thoulouse ; William, Bishop of Orange ; 
Hugh, Count of Vermandois ; Bohemund, the son of Robert 
Guiscard ; and his cousin, Tancred. 

These leaders, less influenced by the mere impulses of 
passion than the lower orders, availed themselves of the 
time allowed by the Pope for preparation for the Crusade, 
by making every arrangement for securing the success of 
the vast enterprise in which they had engaged. It was 
evident to them that great difficulties would arise in obtain- 
ing the provisions necessary for the support of the countless 
multitudes that had assumed the cross, more especially as 
they had to pass through countries which were inhabited 

* The monument of Rohert Duke of Normandy is in Gloucester cathedral ; 
for graphic illustrations of which, see " Britton's Gloucester Cathedral," and 
" Stothard's Monumental Effigies." 



24 



PRINCES SELL THEIR ESTATES. 



either by infidels or the mercenary soldiers of the Emperor 
Alexius ; after much consideration, it was determined that 
the croises should be separated into divisions according to the 
nations to which they respectively belonged, and that they 
should be under the control of their native chiefs, so as the 
more effectually to prevent those evils which would necessa- 
rily have arisen from such an immense concourse of persons 
leaving Europe in one mass. 

In order to meet the expenses of the Crusade, those of 
the richer class sold their possessions, many of which were 
eagerly bought up by the ecclesiastics. " Godfrey sold the 
duchy of Bouillon to the Bishop of Liege ; the town of Metz 
to the citizens ; and the castle of Sarteny and Mons to 
Richard, Bishop of Verdun."* Herpin, Earl of Bourges, 
disposed of his earldom to Philip, King of France ; Robert 
of Normandy mortgaged his duchy to his brother Rufus, 
the King of England; who, in order to raise the money, 
seized the chalices of the church, f — a circumstance de- 
serving of notice, as he had, upon his accession to the 
throne of England, restored to the clergy the plate and 
other property of which his father, William the Conqueror, 
had dispossessed them. J Eustace, the brother of Godfrey 
de Bouillon, sold all his possessions to the church ; and the 
other leaders of the Crusade acted in a similar manner, 
their example being imitated by persons of every rank in 
society. 

* Daniel's History of England. 

t " Much ado there was to raise the 10,000 marks, which William Rufus im- 
posed upon his great men. The bishops, the abbots, and abbesses brake the 
gold and silver ornaments of the churches ; and the earls, barons, and viscounts 
fleeced their villains." — Brady's History of England, Edit. 1685, p. 223. See, also, 
Sharpe's William of Malmesbury, p. 338 ; Matt. Westmonast., p. 17 ; Matt. 
Paris ; Chronica de Mailros, p. 162. 

$ " King William the Conqueror spared neither chalices nor shrines, appro- 
priating the property of the abbeys and monasteries to himself. Rufus, upon 
coming to the throne, gave up the gold gathered up by his father, to the monas- 
teries and parish churches." — Stow's Annals, p. 111. See, also, Chronica Walteri 
Hemingford, (Gale,) vol. ii., p. 459. 



WALTER THE PENNYLESS. 25 

The lower orders were impatient to commence the Cru- 
sade, and before the arrival of the appointed day, Peter 
the Hermit, and his lieutenant, Walter the Pennyless, left 
France and Lorraine, accompanied by sixty thousand persons 
of both sexes. # These were followed by about twenty thou- 
sand Germans, under the guidance of a monk named Gode- 
schal, and the rear of the army was brought up by no less 
than two hundred thousand f of the vilest of the rabble, 
whose ostensible leaders were a goat and a goose, both of 
which were said to be influenced by the Holy Spirit. J 

Having made but few arrangements for the subsistence 
of their followers, owing to the impossibility of ascertain- 
ing their probable numbers, as multitudes were continually 
joining the crowd, Peter the Hermit and Walter soon found 
it necessary to separate. 

Walter led the van, passing through Hungary and Bul- 
garia. Those under his command found great difficulty in 
making their way over the Hungarian marshes ; but the inha- 
bitants, having a short time previously embraced the doc- 
trines of Christianity, § offered no opposition, so long as they 
refrained from committing any excesses. 

Such was their ignorance of the geographical position of 
Jerusalem, that upon approaching any considerable town, 
they supposed themselves to have arrived at theii journey's 
end. Being compelled by hunger to demand a supply of 

* " Women were not to go to the Crusades, unless with their fathers or bro- 
thers, who could answer for them, (qui en repondent) ; but little attention was 
paid to this injunction." — 'Fleury. 

t " Six millions of persons assumed the cross, but multitudes returned home 
ere they passed the sea." — Fulcherius Carnotensis. (Gesta Dei, per Francos., 
p. 387.) 

J " Anserem quendam divino spiritu asserebant afflatum, et capellam non 
minus eodem repletam et has sibi duces hujus secundae vise fecerant in Jerusa- 
lem." — Alberius Aquiensis, (Gesta Dei, per Francos) Hist. lib. i., cap. 36. 

§ The circumstance of the Hungarians having embraced the Christian faith 
was extremely favourable to the cause of the Crusade, as they had, during the 
early part of the eleventh century, implored their sovereign to allow them to kill 
the bishops and other ministers of the Christian religion, and to return to their 
ancient form of worship. 



26 



EXCESSES OF THE CRUSADERS. 



provisions from the Bulgarians, and this demand not being 
complied with, the crusaders proceeded to plunder the vari- 
ous towns through which they passed ; and these outrages 
at length roused the indignation of the inhabitants, who 
attacked them with a formidable force, and completely routed 
them. Walter escaped through the forests of Bulgaria, and, 
after sustaining many privations, arrived with a few of his 
followers at Constantinople. 

Peter the Hermit followed the route of Walter # with 
about forty thousand men, women, and children, and met 
with equally severe reverses owing to the misconduct of his 
companions, over whom he had but little control ; but hav- 
ing entered into an arrangement with the Hungarians for a 
supply of provisions, the march of this division of the cru- 
saders was, for a time, unmarked by any atrocity. Upon 
their approach, however, to Malleville, they observed the 
weapons of those who had preceded them suspended from the 
walls of the town, as if to warn them not to indulge in simi- 
lar excesses. 

This sight inflamed their minds with a desire of revenge, 
and the thoughtless multitude, forgetting that they were 
surrounded by their enemies, took the town by assault, and 
massacred the inhabitants. Carloman, hearing of this out- 
rage, determined upon wreaking his vengeance upon the 
crusaders, who in the meanwhile were rioting in the town 
and committing crimes, the character of which clearly 
proves how little the true spirit of Christianity had found 
entrance into their hearts. The Hungarians burst upon 
them like a torrent, carrying destruction and dismay on 
every side. Some of the crusaders took refuge in the forests ; 
others passed into Bulgaria, where they were attacked by 
the Turcomans. Thousands perished in this contest ; but at 
length, Peter, with the miserable remains of his army, passed 
the river Maroe, and proceeded onward to Nissa. Here 
they obtained permission to purchase provisions, and re- 

* Roberti Monachi Historia, lib. i., p. 33. 



THE MONK GODESCHAL. 27 

mained for some time upon good terms with the inhabitants ; 
but a quarrel arising respecting some trivial circumstance, 
the crusaders set fire to several houses, which so enraged 
the townsmen, that they commenced an indiscriminate slaugh- 
ter of the lawless rabble. Peter was panic-struck at this 
occurrence, and would have given himself up to despair, had 
he not been upbraided by some of his followers for want 
of confidence in the protection of that Being, under whose 
guidance he had professed to lead them to the Holy Sepul- 
chre of Christ. Peter being thus brought to a sense of his 
duty, collected together the survivors, and proceeded on his 
way to Philippopoli, and at length reached Constantinople. 

The followers of the monk Godeschal, thought to forward 
the cause of Christianity by exterminating the Jews. # At 
Worms, Verdun, Treves, Spires, and Mentz, thousands of 
this unhappy people were slaughtered in cold blood, their 
wealth falling into the possession of their heartless mur- 
derers. Pursuing a line of conduct still more criminal than 
that of their precursors, their numbers were considerably 
reduced before they reached Constantinople, where they 
joined the followers of Walter and Peter the Hermit. 

The Emperor Alexius, instead of receiving the succour he 
had anticipated from the Latins, found himself bearded within 
the walls of Constantinople by an ungovernable mob, whose 
only pleasure seemed to arise from the perpetration of the 
most shameful atrocities. Their continuance before the 
walls of Constantinople had become a source of uneasiness 
to him, owing to their irregularities ; but this feeling was 
considerably increased by his learning from Peter that six 
millions of Europeans had assumed the cross, and that three 
hundred thousand were on their way to Constantinople, 

* The crusaders, under Godeschal, thought the only way to establish Christi- 
anity, was by the extermination of the Jews and Moslems ; pursuing in this 
respect a similar line of conduct with the Romans on their invasion of Britain, 
whom Galgacus (Tacit. Agric. cap. xxx.) described as making a solitude, and 
calling it peace. 



28 PETER PASSES THE BOSPHORUS. 

under the command of the most noble and most warlike 
princes of Europe. 

No sooner were the crusaders pressed by hunger, than 
they despoiled the churches and other public edifices of 
Constantinople, and sold the materials in order to procure a 
supply of provisions.* The Emperor Alexius, finding it use- 
less to attempt to prevent these outrages, at length effected 
by stratagem what he was unable to accomplish by open 
force. After many attempts, he prevailed upon Peter and 
his companions to pass over to the Asiatic side of the Bos- 
phorus; and having done this, they imagined themselves 
in the vicinity of Jerusalem, and marched forward unin- 
terruptedly, until they approached the plain of Nice, where 
their further progress was opposed by the infidels. 

A desperate engagement ensued, in which Walter the 
Pennyless fell, covered with wounds, together with nearly 
the whole of those brutal savages, whose progress through 
Europe had been marked by so much bloodshed. 

, The prudent Peter, however, escaped, having retired from 
the army and returned to Constantinople, f upon the pre- 
tence of arranging some matters of importance with the 
Emperor Alexius ; but in reality, to avoid the fate which he 
anticipated would befall his companions in arms. The 
Turks, having gained this victory, piled the bodies of the 
Christians in the form of a pyramid, and their bones were 
left to whiten on the plain of Nice, so as to overawe any 
other pilgrims who might pass that way to Jerusalem. 

The names of the various princes who engaged in the first 
Crusade have already been mentioned ; it will, however, be 
necessary to give a brief account of the circumstances attend- 
ing their progress to Constantinople, the appointed place 
of rendezvous for all those who purposed engaging in the 
war against the infidels. 

♦ 

* Gesta Dei, per Fraucos, p. 1. 

t " Petrus vero Eremita abierat et Constantinopolim remeaverat." — Bob. Mon., 
p. 34. 



CRUSADERS UNDER HUGH THE GREAT. 29 

Hugh, sumamed the Great, Count of Vermandois, # and 
brother to the King of France, accompanied by the two 
Roberts, Raymond Count of Thoulouse, and Adhelm, Bishop 
of Puy, passed through France into Italy, — many other 
princes joining their ranks, independently of countless mul- 
titudes of the middling and lower classes. They visited the 
Pope at Lucca, where they received his holy benediction 
and the golden standard of Saint Peter. The season of the 
year was extremely unfavourable for the embarkation of the 
troops, and the greater part of the chiefs were disposed to 
pass the winter in Italy ; indeed, the troops of the Duke of 
Normandy and the Count of Flanders were cantoned in the 
towns on the sea coast. The Count of Vermandois was, 
however, anxious to reach Constantinople as soon as possi- 
ble; he therefore sent forward, to Durazzo, messengers ar- 
rayed in golden armour, who requested the governor of 
that place to make the proper preparations for receiving 
the standard-bearer of the Pope, and soon afterwards em- 
barked from Italy himself; but his fleet was scattered by a 
tempest, and his own vessel was driven on shore at Durazzo. 

The lieutenant of the Emperor Alexius feigned great sor- 
row at this lamentable event, and treated Hugh with every 
outward mark of respect. The count was soon prevailed 
upon to proceed to Constantinople, where he remained vir- 
tually a prisoner, although Alexius, — too prudent to proceed 
to extremities until he had become acquainted with the in- 
tentions of the other leaders of the Crusade, refrained from 
placing him under actual restraint ; in fact, by affecting to 
deplore the misfortunes which had befallen the count, he 
succeeded in obtaining his confidence, and at length pre- 
vailed upon him to swear fealty to him. 

Godfrey de Bouillon, accompanied by his brother Baldwin, 
and many other noble princes from the banks of the Elbe 
and the Rhine, proceeded by the same route as Peter the 
Hermit, but took the precaution of arranging with the King 

* Rob. Mob., lib. i. 



30 BOHEMUND JOINS THE CRUSADE. 

of Hungary for the necessary supply of provisions for the 
army, and gave his brother as a hostage for the good con- 
duct of those under his command. Having passed through 
Hungary, he proceeded onward to Constantinople by way of 
Bulgaria and Thrace. 

Hearing of the detention of the Count of Vermandois, 
Godfrey sent messengers to Constantinople to demand his 
liberation ; to this Alexius would not consent, and Godfrey 
then ordered his troops to devastate the country, which soon 
brought Alexius to a sense of his real danger, and induced 
him to liberate his prisoner, who immediately joined the 
Latin camp. Soon afterwards an invitation was sent to 
Godfrey to visit Alexius in the imperial palace, unaccom- 
panied by any troops ; this, however, he prudently declined, 
having been apprized of the dangerous character of the 
emperor. 

About this time the Bishop of Puy, Robert Duke of 
Normandy, and Robert Count of Flanders, reached Con- 
stantinople with their numerous followers. 

Bohemund, # the son of Robert Guiscard, was engaged 
in the siege of Amain at the time the Count of Vermandois 
and his companions were passing through Italy for the 
purpose of embarking their troops. Having sent to in- 
quire the object they had in view, the names of their 
leaders, and whether they were under strict military disci- 
pline, and being satisfied upon these points, he declared his 
intention of joining the Crusade, and tearing his splendid 
mantle in pieces, distributed crosses to his troops. He then 
raised the siege of Amain, and, turning to those under his 
command, implored them to return thanks to God, who had 
disposed the hearts of so many thousands of persons to 
assume the cross, declaring that they could not have been 
congregated together for such a purpose, and in so orderly 
a manner, but by the guidance of Heaven. In a short time, 
the most influential persons in Apulia, Calabria, and Sicily, 

* Rob. Mon., p. 35. 



COUNT ROBERT OF PARIS. 31 

flocked to his standard ; old and young — rich and poor — 
masters and servants, were willing to place themselves under 
this valorous chief. " Fanaticism swept away all other 
considerations, and in the great effort for the redemption of 
the Holy Sepulchre, Italy might hope to benefit from the 
absence of her Norman scourges." 

Bohemund, having made the necessary preparations, led 
his followers through Bulgaria and Palagonia, and after 
having obtained various successes over the mercenary sol- 
diers of Alexius, reached Constantinople in safety, accom- 
panied by his cousin Tancred. Upon his approach to the 
city, Bohemund was met by the whole body of crusaders, 
who welcomed him with the greatest demonstrations of joy.* 
His previous successes over the troops of Alexius, were 
well known to the leaders of the Christian army, and the 
language in which he addressed his companions in arms, 
exhibited as much enmity towards the Greek emperor, 
as towards the infidels themselves. Alexius, seeing the 
daily increasing number of the crusaders, was struck with 
dismay ; and he, who had so frequently designed the destruc- 
tion of others, at length trembled for his own safety. This 
induced him to study the disposition of the various leaders 
of the Crusade, and by this means, he eventually 
succeeded in persuading nearly the whole of them to 
acknowledge his supremacy. Count Robert of Paris, how- 
ever, refused to do so,f and the emperor dismissed him 
without exhibiting any resentment: "indeed, he offered him 
some prudent advice, as to his conduct in the Turkish 
warfare." 

Alexius, ever alive to his own interest, promised to supply 
the camp of the crusaders until their arrival at Jerusalem, 
and by this means prevailed upon the chiefs, one by one, to 
pass the Bosphorus. Gibbon remarks, that the images of 
locusts, of leaves and flowers, of the sands of the sea, or 
the stars of heaven, would but imperfectly represent the 

* Gesta Dei, per Francos, p. 3. 

f See Sir Walter Scott's Robert of Paris ; also, Ducange, Note, p. 362. 



32 SIEGE OF NICE. 

numbers of the crusaders, who pressed forward to Nice after 
their departure from Constantinople. 5 * 

The Sultan Soliman, having heard of their approach, had 
filled "the city with a powerful garrison, and sent his wife 
and family there for protection ; feeling* confident, from the 
strength of its fortifications, that it would stand the most 
prolonged siege, and that the inhabitants could receive pro- 
visions and succour as long as they were masters of the 
lake Ascanius. 

During this memorable siege, all the warlike engines of 
antiquity were brought into request ; but from want of 
concert among the chiefs of the besieging party, the solid 
walls of Nice withstood the shock of their battering rams, 
and the missiles discharged from their moveable towers were 
returned by showers of poisoned arrows, which falling per- 
pendicularly upon the heads of the soldiers, destroyed many 
of them. The Christians at length implored the Emperor 
Alexius to send them some vessels overland, so as to enable 
them to launch them on the lake Ascanius, and intercept 
the supplies which were carried to the inhabitants. He ac- 
cordingly complied with this request, and manned the vessels 
with the choicest of his archers. f In the mean time, the 
city was attacked at every vulnerable point by the crusaders, 
and the inhabitants were persuaded by a Greek emissary to 
throw themselves upon the protection of the emperor, as the 
wife and children of their sultan had already been captured, 
and they could hope for little mercy from the European 
chiefs who surrounded the city. At the very moment 
when the latter felt certain of victory, and were preparing 
to mount the ramparts, the standard of the emperor was 
seen floating over one of the towers ; and it at once became 
evident that the crafty Alexius, had secured the possession 
of the city to himself. The crusaders were loud in their 

* u Et quis poterat numerare tantam Christi militiam? Nullus ut puto, tot 
prudentissimorum milites, nee antea vidit nee ultra videre poterit." — Gesta Dei, 
per Francos, p. 5. 

■f- Idem, p. 6. 



SIEGE OF ANTIOCH. 33 

complaints of this ruse de guerre, but their resentment was 
removed by the costly presents which were given to them. 

The crusaders now proceeded towards Phrygia, and having 
arrived at Dorylceum, they were attacked on all sides by the 
Turks ; for a long time the event of the contest was doubtful, 
but at length the Christians were victorious, and the soldiers 
of the sultan retreated in every direction. The former now 
entered Syria, and commenced the siege of Antioch, which 
was no less memorable for its duration than for the sufferings 
of the Christian army. The city was at length taken, after 
a desperate resistance on the part of the infidels. Robert 
Duke of Normandy exhibited extraordinary valour upon this 
occasion; but no circumstance tended so much to rouse 
the spirits of the Christians, as the supposed discovery of 
the lance that pierced the side of our Saviour.* The sight 
of this valued relic reminded them of the grand object of the 
Crusade, — the recovery of the Holy Sepulchre; and being 
inspired with fresh vigour, and fully persuaded that Heaven 
was favourable to their designs, they attacked the city on all 
sides, and at length the gates were thrown open for the 
admission of the conquering soldiers. 

The Caliph of Egypt obtained some important advantages 
over the Turks, just at the period that the Christians were 
investing Antioch. Although he had previously promised 
to aid the latter in the recovery of the Holy City, he failed 
to do so, having, in fact, gained possession of it himself ; and 
knowing that the Christians were much weakened by disease 
and the fatigues attendant upon their repeated contests with 
the Turks, he declined to ratify the treaty which had been 
arranged with his ministers. The chiefs of the crusading 
army told him, that they would open the gates of Jerusalem 
with the same key which had given them possession of Nice 
and Antioch ; and they forthwith proceeded with their ar- 
rangements for accomplishing this object. 

It will be necessary to abridge the narrative of this im- 

* See Appendix E. 



34 SIEGE OF JERUSALEM. 

portant siege. During its continuance, Gerard, or Conrad/ 
the superintendent of the hospital, is said to have been dis- 
covered by the infidels throwing bread to the Christians. He 
was seized, and taken before their general ; but when the 
supposed bread was exposed to view, it had been miracu- 
lously turned to stone. Gerard was dismissed and permitted 
to continue his former practice, and the stones which he 
threw from the city walls at the besiegers were converted 
into bread. Thus the Master of the Hospitallers was in 
favour with both parties. # After the siege had continued 
for five weeks, Godfrey de Bouillon entered the city by 
the assistance of a wooden tower, which was placed against 
the most neglected part of the walls. The other chiefs 
followed his example, and in a short time the city was 
in their possession.f The Moslems fled to the mosque of 
Omarf for safety, but they were followed by the victorious 
crusaders, who continued to butcher them for three days, 
until at length the whole city was inundated with blood, 
which in many places reached up to the horses' knees ! The 
unhappy Jews, equally the objects of hatred to the Christian 
and the Moslem, were slain without mercy ; after which the 
crusaders, wearied with these excesses, proceeded to the 
church of the Holy Sepulchre to offer up thanksgivings for 
their memorable victory ! " The example of the victorious 
Godfrey awakened the piety of his companions ; and the 
most ardent in slaughter and rapine were the foremost in 
the external observance of religion." 

* Dugdale's Monasticon, vol. vi., (new Edit.) part 3. 

t Chronica de Mailros, p. 162. Annales Monast : Burton, p. 248. 

t See Appendix F. 



GODFREY ELECTED KING OF JERUSALEM. 



35 



CHAPTER III. 

A. D. 1099. WILLIAM RUFUS. 




ffiaiMM&ILY had the Christians ob- 
tained possession of Jerusalem, when they 
proceeded to the election of a sovereign. 
The Duke of Normandy's taper having 
taken light spontaneously, whilst the 
chiefs of the Crusade were before the 
high altar of the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre, they offered to anoint him 
king, but he declined the honour \ and when the election 
eventually fell on Godfrey de Bouillon, that pious prince, 
though he acquiesced in the appointment, refused to wear 
the ensigns of royalty, saying, " It was too great arrogance 
for him to be crowned for glory in that city in which his 
Saviour had been crowned in mockery/' # and that he pre- 
ferred being styled Defender of the Holy Sepulchre, to King 
of Jerusalem. 

The important services rendered by the principal of the 
hospital to the crusaders, during the siege of Jerusalem, 
were not forgotten by Godfrey, who, immediately after his 
election, visited the hospital of Saint John, and expressed 
his warm approval of the manner in which the members 
treated the sick and wounded under their care, f 

* Sharpe's William of Malmesbury, p. 449. 

t Tanner's Notitia Monastica, xviii. Boisgelin's Malta, vol. ii,, Appendix 
ix., p. 219. 

D 2 



36 ORIGIN OF THE HOSPITALS AT JERUSALEM. 

There are no less than three manuscripts quoted by Dug- 
dale, in his Monasticon, # in each of which a different origin 
is assigned to the hospitals at Jerusalem. In one, they are 
traced up to the time of Julius Caesar ; in a second, they are 
stated to have been " coeval with the Maccabees, and Christ 
himself is said to have taken all things in common there 
with his disciples ; " and in a third, the merchants of Amain, 
mentioned in a preceding chapter, are alluded to as the 
founders of these establishments. 

Godfrey conferred many privileges upon the Hospitallers, 
and, among other favours, granted them the lordship of Mont- 
baire, in Brabant. Gerard,f the principal of the hospital, feel- 
ing desirous of devoting the rest of his life to the service in 
which he had been so long engaged, applied to the patriarch 
of Jerusalem for permission to assume a regular habit. 
This wish was acceded to ; the members entered the order 
of Saint Augustine, and received the title of Hospitaller- 
Brethren of Saint John of Jerusalem. J Pope Paschal II. 
(A. D. 1113,) afterwards confirmed their privileges, and the 
order was taken under the special protection of Saint 
Peter. § 

Raymond Du Puy succeeded Gerard, and introduced the 
rules which were afterwards observed. Being desirous of 
extending the objects of the establishment, by affording 
to the Christians protection against the attacks of the infidels, 
he applied to the patriarch of Jerusalem for permission for 
the Hospitallers to become a military order, without relin- 
quishing the duties to which they had previously attended. || 
This request being granted, a general council was held, fresh 
laws If were drawn up, and the brethren took an oath to 

* New edition, vol. vi., part 3. 

t For a list of the masters of the order, see Appendix G. 

| Boisgelin, vol. i., p. 183. § Vertot. 

|| Archaeologia, vol. ix., p. 128. " Jl faut bien que ces religieux, fondes 
d'abord pour servir les malades dans les hopitaux, ne furent pas en surete 
puisqu'ils prisent les armes." — Voltaire, Histoire des Croisades, tome i., p. 185. 

If These laws were confirmed by a papal bull. See Dugdale's Monasticon, 
(new edition,) vol. vi., part 3., p. 790. 



ESTABLISHMENT OF THE ORDER. HENRY I. 37 

defend the Holy Sepulchre, and to wage a war of extermina- 
tion against the infidels. 

Pope Boniface confirmed the rules of the order, and gave 
permission to the members to assume the title of Knights 
Hospitallers of St. John of Jerusalem. Upon their institu- 
tion as a military body, many of the crusaders joined them, 
so that it soon became necessary to separate the knights into 
different languages, or nations.* The languages were those 
of Provence, Auvergne, France, Italy, Arragon, England, and 
Germany. The Anglo-Bavarian language was afterwards 
substituted for that of England, and that of Castile added 
to the number. 

The Pope relieved the Hospitallers from all ecclesiastical 
jurisdiction, and in a short time their wealth increased, and 
they had possessions in every part of Europe. They were 
divided into three classes, — nobility, clergy, and serving- 
brothers ; and in order to effect a systematic arrangement of 
their possessions, their religious houses were divided into 
priories, bailiwicks, and commanderies, or preceptories. f 
The rules of the order were somewhat severe, and many of 
them applied to the dress of the knights. J 

The commanderies were smaller houses for the education 
of the young knights, and the surplus revenue of these 
establishments was forwarded, at stated periods, to the 
receiver of the chief priory, who was in like manner account- 
able to the receiver-general of the order at Jerusalem. § 

The first introduction of the Knights Hospitallers into 
England, took place A. D. 1101. || The chief priory, (of 
which the gate-house still remains) was situate in Clerken- 
well, described as being at that time " nigh London, "^f There 

* Boisgelin, vol. i., p. 186. 

t la the Cottonian Manuscript relating to Maplestead, the terms preceptor, 
commander, master, and prior, are used indifferently. 

$ See Appendix H. 

§ Boisgelin, vol. ii., p. 296. Fuller's Holy War, book iv., chap. 5. 

|| Tanner's Not. Mon. Dugdale's Warwickshire, vol. ii., p. 965. 

f " King Henry I. founded three houses for the Knights Hospitallers." — 
Tanner s Not. Mon,, pref. v. 



38 



HABIT OF THE KNIGHTS HOSPITALLERS. 



were in England no less than fifty-three commanderies (in- 
cluding those transferred to the order after the suppression of 
the Knights Templars) ; and it will be shown hereafter that, 
at various periods, when the Hospitallers in Palestine had 
been nearly annihilated by the infidels, the loss was quickly 
remedied by application to their different establishments 
in Europe. 




The knights wore a black robe having a white linen cross 
of eight points fastened on the left side; and took the 
vows of chastity, obedience, and poverty. They afterwards 
had a red military cloak, but this was not used in the 
house. 



KNIGHTS TEMPLARS. 39 

The following ceremonies were performed at the creation 
of a knight. 

" 1st. A sword was given the novice, in order to show 
him that he must be valiant. 

2nd. A cross hilt, as his valour must defend religion. 

3rd. He was struck three times over the shoulder 
with the sword, to teach him patiently to suffer for 
Christ. 

4th. He had to wipe the sword, as his life must be 
undefiled. 

5th. Gilt spurs were put on, because he was to 
spurn wealth at his heels. 

6th. He took a taper in his hand, as it was his duty 
to enlighten others by his exemplary conduct. 

7th. He had to go and hear mass, where we'll leave 
him."* 

The Knights Templars were introduced into England some 
years after the Hospitallers, f but it was soon found here, as 
well as on the continent, that the similarity of the two orders 
gave rise to continual feuds. 

Brompton remarks, that the Templars were originally 
pupils of the Hospitallers, and that they merely escorted 
the pilgrims from the sea coast to Jerusalem, when requested 
so to do. This order, however, soon increased in wealth and 
power, so that it seemed as if the daughter would eclipse the 
mother. J Voltaire observes, that no sooner were the two 
military orders instituted, than they vied with each other ; 
the white habit of the Templars and the black robe of the 
Hospitallers being the signal for continual warfare, which 

* Fuller's Holy War. 

t " This order was founded 1119, and took its name from the knights dwelling 
in part of the temple at Jerusalem." — Rapin. Henry I. 

t Brompton, Hist. Anglic. Script., p. 1008. William of Malmeshury. 



40 



NUN HOSPITALLERS. 



was carried on with as much acrimony as against their com- 
mon enemy.* 

In addition to the knights, there were Nun Hospitallers, 
who had a separate establishment at Jerusalem, f The 
dress worn by them seems to have been somewhat similar in 
all the countries in which the order existed ; and the sub- 
j oined representation]: is submitted to the reader, not as the 




* Voltaire.— Hist, des Croisades, p. 73. t Dug. Monast., vol. vi., part 3. 

X This representation of the Nun Hospitallers is taken from a work entitled 
" Histoire des Ordres Monastiques, Religieux, et Militaires," 4to., Paris, 1715, 
tome iii., p. 121. The author has not been able to meet with any description or 
representation of the dress worn by them in this country. 



FEMALES FIGHT IN THE CRUSADES. 41 

exact costume of the order, but as probably approaching to 
it in appearance. 

These nuns were introduced into England at the same 
period as the knights, to whom they were at first subject, 
although they afterwards acted quite independently of them. 
Very few particulars have been preserved respecting these 
female establishments ; but it may be presumed they were 
but few in number, as Henry the Second, in 1180, ordered the 
whole of the sisters to be collected together, and then gave 
them the preceptory of Buckland, in Somersetshire, for a 
place of residence, where they remained until the dissolution 
of the religious houses in 1540. # 

But the holy war seems to have called forth other feelings 
than those which actuated the nuns of the order of Saint 
John ; the religious zeal which glowed in the breasts of the 
crusaders having influenced many ladies, not only to visit 
Jerusalem for the purpose of pilgrimage, but also to engage 
in the battle fray. Fuller, whose gallantry is only equalled 
by his wit, thus addresses these modern Amazons : 

" March on, for the shrill trumpet and the fife 
Your tongues will serve ; and to secure your life 
You need no weapon, — every face and eye 
Carrieth sufficient artillery. " 

It appears extremely probable that the artillery of which 
Fuller speaks, would be equally as dangerous to the Chris- 
tians as the infidels; and it is certain that the duties in 
which the Nun Hospitallers were engaged, were much more 
befitting the character of the fair sex. The vow taken 
by these ladies upon their entrance into the order was as 
follows : — 

" I, N., promise and vow to Almighty God, to the Virgin 
Mary his immaculate mother, and to St. John the Baptist, 
to be perfectly obedient to my superior, to live without pri- 

* Boisgelin, vol. ii., Appendix ix., p. 217. Dug'» Monast., vol. vi., 

(new edit.) part 3. 



42 DEATH OF GODFREY DE BOUILLON. 

vate property, and to preserve my chastity, according to the 
rules of the order." # 

Many of the princes of Europe who had engaged in the 
first Crusade, returned home after the deliverance of the Holy 
City from the hands of the infidels ; the brave Godfrey, 
however, remained, in order to secure to the Christian world 
its permanent possession. He did not long survive his elec- 
tion as sovereign; and on his death, his remains were in- 
terred within the church of the Holy Sepulchre.f Baldwin, 
the brother of Godfrey, succeeded to the throne, notwith- 
standing the opposition of the patriarch of Jerusalem to his 
election. He obtained various successes over the infidels in 
Egypt, where he was subsequently carried off by sudden 
death. His remains were embalmed, at his particular re- 
quest, and afterwards transferred to the church of the Holy 
Sepulchre at Jerusalem. J 

In 1119, Roger, the guardian to Bohemund II., threw 
himself into Antioch, in order to withstand an incursion of 
the Turcomans ; and Baldwin du Bourg, who had ascended 
the throne of Jerusalem after the death of his cousin, pro- 
mised to send him immediate succour, but afterwards deter- 
mined upon heading the troops himself. The infidels having, 
in the meantime, slain Roger and many of his companions, 
and hearing of the approach of Baldwin, determined upon 

* See Appendix I. 

t " En ce moys de Juillet le vaillant Due Godeffroy, qui estoit gouvemeur 
du royaume de Jherusalem, eut une inalladie moult forte. L'en manda tous les 
medecins du royaume. Ilz mirent entour lui toutes les paines quils peuvent, 
mais riens rjy proumta, car le mal ne se cessoit d'augmenter. Puis il manda gens 
de religion, comme prelatz, cures, et aUtres preud hommes, pour le conseil de son 
ame. Moult fut bien confess^ et vrayement, a grans larmes, et en moult grant 
devocion. 

Ainsi se partit de ce siecle de certain nous devons penser que l'ame s'en alia 

avecques les angles, devant la face de Jhesu Crist. II trespassa le xii e iour de 

Juillet, l'an de l'incarnation nostre Seigneur, mil et cent, enterre fut en l'eglise du 

souldz le mont de Calvaire, ou nostre Seigneur fut mis en croix. Ce lieu, est 

garde moult honnestement pour enterrer les roys jusques a au jourdhuy." 

xx 
Royal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. I., pp. vi. xv., (135.) 

| See Appendix K. 



FULK OF ANJOU. 43 

arresting his progress. A desperate engagement ensued, in 
which the knights of Saint John signalized themselves, and 
eventually the Christians succeeded in dispersing their ene- 
mies ; upon which Baldwin marched onward to Antioch, and 
filled the city with a strong garrison. He was, however, 
taken prisoner in an after conflict with the infidels, which 
circumstance dispirited the Christians so much, that many 
of them retired to Europe. The brave Hospitallers, however, 
took possession of Edessa, and preserved it for Jocelyn de 
Courtenay, who was also taken prisoner by the Turcomans. 

The Christians, by the aid of a Venetian fleet, soon re- 
covered from their misfortunes, and the King of Jerusalem 
was liberated by ransom. He did not however long survive ; 
his death was occasioned by a severe illness, rendered doubly 
painful by the misconduct of his only daughter, who, upon 
the death of Bohemund, her husband, disputed her father's 
authority over the provinces of Antioch. 

Fulk, (afterwards surnamed Plantagenet,) Count of An- 
jou, # who had visited the Holy Land from religious motives, 
having married Melesinda, the daughter of Baldwin du 
Bourg, succeeded to the throne after the death of his father- 
in-law, and was complimented upon the occasion by Pope 
Innocent II. ; who, at the same time, published a bull, 
declaring that the Knights Hospitallers were the firmest 
support of the throne of Jerusalem, and that he had taken 
this religious-military order under his special protection. 

Many pilgrims left England about this period ; and during 
the time that King Stephen was imprisoned by the Empress 
Maud, his queen, attended by many of the nobility, en- 
treated the empress to liberate him, promising to endeavour 
to prevail upon him to visit the Holy Land as a pilgrim. 

* " Fulk, the great Count of Anjou, being stung with remorse for some 
wicked action, in order to atone for it, went a pilgrimage to Jerusalem, and, be- 
fore the Holy Sepulchre, was soundly scourged with broom twigs, which grew in 
great plenty there. Whence he ever after took the name of Plantagenet, or 
Broom Stalk, which was continued by his noble posterity." — Rapin, vol. i., 
p. 524. Note.— Richard III. 



44 THE SECOND CRUSADE. STEPHEN. 

The Hospitallers were appointed to defend the city of 
Beersheba, so as to prevent the incursions of the Turcomans 
and Saracens, and the selection made of these brave war- 
riors for the defence of such an important post, fully proves 
the high estimation in which they were held. # The Chris- 
tians, in the course of a few years, had to lament the death 
of another sovereign, Fulk of Anjou having been killed by 
a fall from his horse whilst hunting. 

A. D. 1143. The princes who had engaged in the first 
Crusade being either dead or enervated by the luxuries of 
the east, an application was made to the nations of Europe 
for assistance against the infidels ; who, under the conduct 
of Zengui, the son of Malek Shah, had invested Damascus, 
and, after a resolute defence on the part of the Christians, 
had succeded in effecting a breach in the walls, and put the 
inhabitants to the sword. 

Louis the Seventh, of France, was the first sovereign of 
Europe who engaged actively in the Holy War. Having laid 
siege to the town of Vetri, in Parthos, and put the inha- 
bitants to the sword, without regard to sex or age, he sub- 
sequently felt compunction for this atrocious act of cruelty, 
and determined upon making a pilgrimage to the Holy 
Land, in order to expiate his crime.f About this period, the 
Bishop of Zabulon visited the French court for the purpose 
of soliciting aid in behalf of the Christians in the east, and 
the king no sooner heard of their sufferings, than he resolved 
upon engaging in a new Crusade. The sanction of Pope 
Eugenius the Third was soon procured, and Saint Bernard 
was appointed to preach the Crusade throughout France 
and Germany. 

Bernard, having succeeded in inflaming the minds of the 
multitude in favour of this enterprise, retired to a monastery ; 
but the effects of his preaching were so powerful, that per- 
sons of both sexes assumed the cross, and, according to his 
own description, " towns were deserted, or the only persons 

* See St. Bernard in Opp. torn, i., part 2, pp. 547 — 563. 
t See Appendix L. 



THE INFIDELS ATTACK JERUSALEM. 45 

in them were widows and orphans, whose husbands and fa- 
thers were still living." # 

Conrad, the Emperor of Germany, j oined in this Crusade ; 
and Henry of Huntingdon states, that many persons left 
England for the same purpose. It will be unnecessary to 
enter into the details connected with their journey towards 
Jerusalem ; we shall therefore simply notice, that the French 
evinced the most heroic courage during the frequent attacks 
made upon them by the infidels, and that the Germans 
endured the severest afflictions, arising from disease and the 
want of provisions. 

No sooner had this succour arrived in the Holy Land, 
than the siege of Damascus was determined upon, the post 
of danger being claimed by the King of France and the 
knights connected with the two military orders, who are said 
to have been the best disciplined parts of the army. Owing 
to some intrigues in the Christian camp, the advantages 
which were at first gained over the infidels were not fol- 
lowed up ; but the siege was raised, and Conrad and Louis 
returned to Europe with their dispirited troops. The loss of 
the Christians during this short, but fatal Crusade, is esti- 
mated at 200,000 men. Saint Bernard being blamed for 
having been the cause of all these evils, referred his accusers 
to the Pope, whom he represented as his authority for 
preaching the Crusade. 

The hopes of the infidels revived with their recent suc- 
cesses, and their leader, Noradin, besieged and took the 
city of Antioch ; but the King of Jerusalem, (Baldwin the 
Third,) coming up to the assistance of the inhabitants, com- 
pelled him to retire, leaving the city once more in the pos- 
session of the Christians. 

During the absence of Baldwin from Jerusalem, the Arabs 
made a descent upon that city, expecting an easy conquest ; 
but the inhabitants, aided by such of the military orders as 

* Eleanora, Queen of France, who, after her divorce, was married to Henry- 
Duke of Normandy, (afterwards Henry II. of England), joined this Crusade 
with many ladies of the French court. 



46 SIEGE OF ASCALON. HENRY II. 

were left in it, offered a most resolute defence, and under 
cover of the night the tents of the infidels were set on fire, 
and their troops put to flight. Baldwin met them the fol- 
lowing day making a precipitate retreat, and his troops 
attacked them with the most heroic courage, so that the 
enemy, being unable to escape, threw themselves into the 
river Jordan, and were drowned. 

Baldwin having determined upon attacking Ascalon, those 
princes who had taken part in the first Crusade, and re- 
mained in the Holy Land, felt their former courage revive, 
and gladly availed themselves of the opportunity of punish- 
ing the infidels for the numerous excesses which they had 
committed. At this important crisis fresh succours arrived 
from Europe, and the siege was commenced by the Chris- 
tians with every hope of a successful issue. 

The infidels sustained the siege with the greatest obsti- 
nacy, but they were at last much straitened for want of 
provisions, and were preparing to capitulate ; when an Egyp- 
tian fleet appeared in sight, consisting of seventy galleys, 
besides vessels of burden, laden with provisions. The admi- 
ral of the Christian fleet having only fifteen galleys, retired 
upon the appearance of a more powerful enemy, and thus 
enabled the Egyptians to land the provisions. A council 
was held by the croises, and many of the officers urged the 
necessity of retiring to Jerusalem ; but Raymond du Puy, 
the Master of the Knights Hospitallers, resolutely stated his 
determination to continue the siege, nothing daunted by the 
succours that the enemy had received, and at length his 
wishes were acceded to. 

Some of the Templars having observed a breach in the 
walls of the city, informed the master of their order of the 
circumstance ; and he, being an avaricious man, (concealing 
the matter from the rest of the Christian leaders,) effected an 
entrance into the city, and with his followers commenced 
plundering the houses. They were soon perceived by the 
inhabitants, who compelled them to retreat, by hurling upon 
them stones and every other missile that they could pro- 



DEATH OF BALDWIN THE THIRD. 47 

cure, and the breach was soon afterwards repaired. This 
misconduct on the part of the Templars was soon known to 
the whole of the besiegers, and they were subjected to dis- 
grace ; whilst the Hospitallers, by their disinterested conduct, 
gained great applause from their companions in arms. 

The siege of Ascalon was one of the most important 
achievements of the croises, who, after a most resolute 
defence on the part of the infidels, obtained possession of 
the city. # The news of this victory soon spread through 
Europe, and language was wanting to express the gratitude 
that was felt for the noble conduct of the Hospitallers. The 
Pope (Adrian IV.) confirmed the privileges granted to them 
by his predecessors, and especially confirmed their exemp- 
tion from the jurisdiction of the clergy. 

Foucher, patriarch of Jerusalem, incensed at the increas- 
ing power of this religious order, complained to the Pope 
that the edifices belonging to it exceeded in magnificence 
his own church and palace. These disputes were at length 
carried to such an extent, that the Pope felt it necessary to 
decide between the parties, and his decision was given in 
favour of the Hospitallers.-f- 

The Christians of the east sustained a most severe loss, 
about this period, in the death of the Master of the Hospi- 
tallers ; and their afflictions were still further increased by 
that of King Baldwin the Third. 

The King of Jerusalem was generally supposed to have 
been carried off by poison ; and his loss was severely felt, 
owing to his great virtues. His character was held in esti- 
mation even by the infidels. Noradin, hearing of his death, 
and being advised to avail himself of the opportunity 
which seemed to present itself of extending his dominions, 
observed, " God forbid that I should take advantage of the 
miseries of the Christians, from whom, after the death of so 
great a prince, I have nothing more to fear." 

At Baldwin's death, there were some disputes as to the 

* See Appendix M, t See Appendix N. 



48 THE SULTAN SANNAR. 

succession. Amaury, his brother, laid claim to the throne, 
but some of the chiefs disputed his right, affirming that 
valour, and not the ties of relationship, had hitherto given 
title to the crown. These disputes were carried to such a 
pitch, that the Master of the Hospitallers, (Auger de Bal- 
ben,) who was equally venerated for his virtues and great 
age, explicitly declared his opinion that dissensions among 
the Christians would only tend to promote the interests of 
the infidels, and enable them eventually to recover posses- 
sion of the Holy Land. Amaury was therefore declared 
king, and the various princes took the oaths of allegiance. 
The venerable Master of the Hospitallers died shortly after- 
wards, and was succeeded by Arnauld de Camps. 

The Egyptian caliphs, who were said to be descended from 
Mahomed, after a lapse of years appointed sultans, who acted 
as their prime ministers ; and it not unfrequently happened 
that the latter swayed the sceptre, whilst the former confined 
their attention to the harem. 

No sooner had Amaury ascended the throne, than his 
repose was disturbed by the Sultan Sannar, who not only 
refused to pay the contribution which his predecessors had 
been accustomed to do, for being exempted from the incur- 
sions of the Christians upon their territory, but even attacked 
the garrisons of Ascalon and several other places. The King 
of Jerusalem, anxious to punish this rebellious conduct, raised 
a large army, and both parties were preparing for hostilities, 
when the sultan's attention was called off by various disturb- 
ances in Egypt. 

Whilst Sannar was preparing for warfare with the Chris- 
tians, a conspiracy was raised against him by a chief named 
D'Hargan, who assumed the generalship of his army and 
proceeded by forced marches towards Jerusalem, expecting 
to surprise the inhabitants ; but owing to the heroic courage 
displayed by the Hospitallers and Templars, the Christians 
were enabled to repel this attack. 

Sannar, having taken refuge with Noradin, Sultan of Alep- 
po, besought his assistance against D'Hargan, and the latter 



AMAUKY BESIEGES ALEXANDRIA. 49 

applied to the King of Jerusalem, who expressed his willing- 
ness to assist him, provided he agreed, in the event of success, 
to pay the customary tribute. To this D'Hargan acceded, 
but he died in the war that ensued. 

The situation of the Christians in the east still continued 
to occupy the attention of Europe ; and in 1166, and the four 
following years, Henry II. of England obtained grants from 
his barons for the use of the crusaders. 

A.D. 1 167. Siracon, (one of Noradin's captains,) the leader 
of the army which had been raised for the purpose of assist- 
ing Sannar to quell the insurrection of the rebel D'Hargan, 
had no sooner succeeded in that object, than his arms were 
employed against Sannar himself; who, now that he no 
longer needed the aid of the Turcomans, wished them to 
depart from Egypt. This conduct incensed Noradin, and 
Siracon had orders to punish Sannar for his ingratitude. The 
latter applied to the King of Jerusalem, who, after the rati- 
fication of a treaty, attacked Siracon, and compelled him 
to retire from Belbeis, into which town he had thrown his 
troops. 

Amaury afterwards besieged and took Alexandria, which 
was in the possession of the Turcoman general, and suc- 
ceeded in reinstating Sannar in his former authority; and 
the advantages thereby gained were so great, as to induce 
him to contemplate the subjection of Egypt, especially 
as Sannar evinced an anxiety, almost amounting to fear, 
at the continuance of the Christians in that country after 
they had rendered him the service which he had required of 
them. 

Amaury was, however, fully aware of the inadequacy of 
his forces to accomplish this vast enterprise ; and as he was 
urged to it rather by motives of avarice than by those of he- 
roic valour, he acted with great caution, that he might not 
weaken his power and influence in Palestine whilst endea- 
vouring to extend the territory of the Christians. He had, 
indeed, obtained a decided victory over the Turcomans at 



50 SIEGE OF BELBEIS. 

Alexandria, but they were ready to avail themselves of the 
first opportunity of regaining their lost possessions. The due 
consideration of these circumstances induced him to apply 
to the Greek emperor for assistance; and William, Arch- 
deacon of Tyre, having been appointed ambassador to the 
court of Constantinople, succeeded in persuading Manuel 
to prepare a fleet to assist the King of Jerusalem in his 
enterprise against the Egyptians, upon the condition that he 
should receive a moiety of the possessions which might be 
acquired. 

The master of the hospital, Gilbert D'Assalit, was also 
gained over to the cause, by the specious assurance, on the 
part of Amaury, that the situation of the military order to 
which he was attached would be rendered more secure by the 
conquest of Egypt. It was, however, extremely difficult to 
convince the council of the order, that they were not depart- 
ing from the object of the original institution in entering 
upon such an undertaking ; but at length these scruples were 
silenced, if not overcome, and the Hospitallers agreed to 
assist Amaury, provided the town of Belbeis were given to 
them as soon as it had fallen into the hands of the Chris- 
tians. The Templars, to their credit, steadily refused to take 
any part in this matter, declaring it to be their duty to expel 
the infidels from the Holy Land, — not to wage war against 
them in other countries. 

A. D. 1169. The necessary arrangements having been 
made, Belbeis was besieged by the Christians ; and after a 
most resolute defence on the part of the infidels, the walls 
were scaled, and the Christians proceeded to wreak their 
vengeance on the garrison and the inhabitants. The Hos- 
pitallers having taken possession of the town, agreeably 
to the compact entered into between themselves and the 
King of Jerusalem, the latter proceeded onwards to Grand 
Cairo. 

Sannar now became, more than ever, sensible of his danger; 
and entered into a treaty, according to the terms of which 






ASSASSINATION OF SANNAR. 51 

he was to pay a heavy ransom for his son and nephew, who 
had been taken prisoners at the siege of Belbeis ; upon their 
liberation, he paid a portion of the amount, but was quite 
indifferent as to the full performance of the treaty, and 
secretly applied to Noradin for aid against their common 
enemy, the Christians. 

To this application Noradin returned a favourable answer, 
and a large army was despatched to Egypt; the general 
receiving directions to avoid giving the King of Jerusalem 
battle, previously to the Turcoman army uniting with the 
forces of the Sultan of Egypt. Amaury, ignorant of the inten- 
tions of the Turcoman general, advanced into the interior 
of the country, and at length found himself in an almost 
helpless situation, his troops deserting him on all sides : to 
add to his distress, the fleet of the Greek emperor was nearly 
destroyed by a storm. He had, therefore, no other alternative 
than to retreat with all possible expedition, — his return to 
Jerusalem being marked by vexation and disgrace. 

The religious-military orders did not fail to throw the 
whole blame upon the Master of the Hospitallers, (Gilbert 
D'Assalit) ; who, unable to support the obloquy thrown upon 
him, tendered his resignation, and retired to Europe. On 
his arrival in Normandy, he had an interview with King 
Henry II., and was kindly received by that monarch. He 
afterwards set sail for England ; but the vessel was wrecked, 
and he was unfortunately drowned. 

We have now reached a most interesting period in con- 
nexion with the Crusades. The Christian army having 
retreated to Jerusalem, Sannar was extremely anxious to be 
relieved from the presence of the allied army furnished by 
Noradin ; but its departure was deferred under various pre- 
texts, and at length Sannar was invited to visit the Turkish 
camp, where he was assassinated. Siracon, (Noradin's 
general,) was now declared sultan in Sannar' s place ; but 
dying shortly afterwards, Noradin appointed Saladin, the 
nephew of Siracon, to the vacant post. Upon his appoint- 
ment, (Adhad, the last of the Fatamite caliphs, having been 

e 2 



52 



SALADIN, 



put to death by his order,) he applied to Mostadhi, the 
Abassidian caliph, and by him was formally invested with 
the government of the kingdom. # During the life-time of 
Noradin, Saladin acknowledged his authority, and even after 
his death the same deference was shown to his son, Alma- 
lech-al-Salchismael ; until Saladin, having married Noradin's 
widow, and finding his own power fully established by the 
bribes which he had given to the troops from the treasury 
of the murdered Adhad, threw off the mask, and wrested 
Aleppo from the hands of Noradin's son. 

Leaving Saladin in possession of Persia, Mesopotamia, and 
the greater part of Syria, the attention of the reader must 
now be directed to the events which were taking place in 
Europe at this period. 

A. D. 1170. Henry the Second having had various dis- 
putes with Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, f 
for a long time refused to be reconciled to the prelate ; but 
being seized with sudden illness, and feeling compunction 
for his injustice, he promised, upon his recovery, to restore 
him to his former power and influence. The fulfilment of 
this promise was delayed by some trivial circumstance that 
occurred at an interview between these illustrious men : event- 
ually, however, their differences were arranged. 

During his disgrace, the archbishop had retired to the 
continent, and upon his return to England he suspended the 
Bishop of London, and excommunicated those of Durham 
and Exeter. These prelates went over to Normandy, and 
laid their complaints before the King of England, who 
observed, that among his numerous attendants he had none 
who were willing to resent the affronts he was continually 
receiving from the imperious a Becket. Upon hearing this, 
four of his attendants conspired together, and having passed 

* The Fatamite caliphs were descended from Fatima, the daughter of 
Mahomed; the Abassidian caliphs from Abassides, the uncle of Mahomed. The 
caliphs had continual conflicts with each other, and were styled the white and 
black parties, from the colours of their ensigns. 

f For an interesting account of Becket's character, see Turner's History 
of England, &c, vol. i., 4to. 



MURDER OF THOMAS A BECKET. 53 

over to England, murdered the archbishop as he was offi- 
ciating at the high altar of the cathedral of Canterbury.* 
It was not probable that Henry would escape the opprobrium 
of having caused the commission of this murder ; indeed, the 
Pope immediately appointed a legate to inquire into the 
matter. The examination lasted for four months, and every 
endeavour was made to prove the king guilty, in order to 
enhance the value of the Pope's intended pardon of the 
offence; but the former denied being accessary to the mur- 
der^ although he acknowledged that the words he had 
dropped might have induced others to the commission of it. 
The charge was therefore withdrawn, upon his expressing 
sorrow at what had taken place, and entering into an agree- 
ment to support, at his own cost, two hundred soldiers, who 
were to fight against the infidels in Spain ; or, in lieu there- 
of, to lead an army to the Holy Land in person, and to 
remain there for three years. J 

Henry paid but little attention to the promises made to the 
Pope. Indeed, he even disputed his supremacy ; and when 
Cardinal Vivian visited Scotland and Ireland, as apostolical 
legate, for the purpose of inquiring into the administration 
of the affairs of the church in those parts, the Bishops of 
Ely and Winchester were sent by him to demand by whose 
authority he had entered England for such a purpose. 

A. D. 1182. The Pope (Lucius III.) being convinced 
of the necessity of another Crusade against the infidels, 
despatched two letters to the King of England, giving a most 
lamentable account of the condition of the Christians in the 
Holy Land, and urging upon him the duty of fulfilling the 
promise made after the death of Saint Thomas a Becket. 
The king accordingly, in presence of his nobles at Waltham, 
assigned 42,000 marks of silver, and 500 marks of gold, in 
aid of the holy cause,§ but resolutely refused to visit the 

* Chronica de Mailros. Hume. 

t " Nee prsecepi uec volui quo Arcbiep. Cant, occideretur." — Rog. Hoveden, 
Purgatio Henrici Regis. 

t Speed's Chronicles, p. 516. $ Stow's Annals, p. 156. 



54 DISSENSIONS OF THE HOSPITALLERS AND TEMPLARS. 

Holy Land, or to accept the crown of Jerusalem, which had 
been offered to him as a lineal descendant of Fulk of Anjou.* 
At this time fresh disputes arose between the Hospitallers 
and Templars, which were afterwards adjusted by an agree- 
ment entered into by the parties. f BromptonJ remarks, that 
" although the Templars sprang from the Hospitallers, yet 
this branch, growing up to a great tree, seemed likely to 
smother the stock from which it was taken." The emulation 
between these military orders was frequently the forerunner 
of open ruptures, and their disputes had become so frequent, 
and so prejudicial to the cause in which both parties were 
engaged, as to call for the interference of the Pope, (Lucius 
III.,) who enjoined them to become more friendly, and to 
remember that, " although the institutions were different, 
yet it should appear, by that bond of charity which ought 
to unite them, that they were one and the same regular mili- 
tary order." § 

The ill success that had attended those who engaged in 
the second Crusade, had convinced the nations of Europe 
of the great danger and difficulty of making any further 
efforts to prevent the increasing power of the infidels in the 
Holy Land. Without altogether opposing the wishes of the 
Pope, the princes of Europe listened to his solicitations with 
suspicion, and exhibited little alacrity in attending to his 
orders. 

A. D. 1185. During this year, Baldwin, King of Jeru- 
salem, sent the Masters of the Hospitallers and Templars, 
together with patriarch Heraclius, into Europe, to solicit aid 
against the infidels. || These legates, upon their arrival in 
Italy, had an interview with the Pope and the Emperor 
Frederic I., at Verona. The latter felt little inclination to 
engage in a Crusade, but the Pope promised to recommend 
the matter to the serious consideration of the kings of 

* Speed's Chronicles, p. 519. 

t Rymer's Foedera, p. 61. Nichols's Leicestershire, fol., vol.iii., p. 945. 

$ Brompton, (Hist. Anglic. Scriptores,) p. 1008. 

§ Vertot. || Roger Hoveden. 






HENRY II. AND HERACLIUS. 55 

England and France,* and he afterwards addressed letters to 
them upon the subject-f- 
it should have been observed, that the Master of the 
Templars (one of the legates sent from the Holy Land,) did 
not reach England, having died on the way ; and owing to 
this circumstance, the situation of the Master of the Hos- 
pitallers was rendered extremely unenviable, on account of 
the haughty and imperious behaviour of the patriarch of 
Jerusalem. Upon the arrival of the legates in England, 
King Henry went as far as Reading to meet them ; and upon 
Heraclius presenting to him a letter from the Pope upon the 
subject of the contemplated Crusade, the king proceeded 
with them to London, and summoned the barons to meet 
him at the priory of Saint John, in Clerkenwell. 

" At this meeting, King Henry declared that Heraclius 
(then present,) had stirred compassion and tears at the 
rehearsal of the tragical afflictions of the eastern world, and 
had brought the keys of the places of Christ's Nativity, 
Passion, and Resurrection, — of David's Tower and the Holy 
Sepulchre ; and the humble offer of the kingdom of Jeru- 
salem, with the standard of the kingdom, as duly belonging 
to him (King Henry,) as grandson of Fulk of Anjou." j 

The barons, after deliberating upon the matter, determined 
that the king ought not to venture his person in the Crusade, 
but recommended a grant of money being made towards the 
same.§ Heraclius, displeased at the result of his application, 
broke out into open abuse against the king, saying, " Here 
is my head ; treat me, if you like, as you did my brother 
Thomas, (meaning a Becket); it is a matter of indifference to 
me, whether I die by your orders, or in Syria by the hands 
of the infidels, for you are worse than any Saracen." The 
king was afterwards advised by his barons to confer with 

* Stow's Annals, p. 157. See Appendix O. 

t During the time that the patriarch Heraclius was in England, he consecrated 
the circular part of the Temple church, and also the high altar of the church 
belonging to the priory of St. John, Clerkenwell. 

$ Speed's Chronicles, p. 522. $ Rapin. — Henry II. 



56 INSOLENCE OF HERACLIUS. 

Philip of France, as to the propriety of their uniting together 
in a Crusade, and, in the mean time, to give free permission 
to his subjects to assume the cross. 

The Master of the Hospitallers was extremely hurt at the 
behaviour of the patriarch Heraclius, but the King of Eng- 
land took no notice of his insolence. At another interview, 
Henry having adverted to the subject of the subsidy that 
had been granted by his barons, Heraclius replied, that " it 
was not money he wanted, but an able general to conduct 
the war." Henry then observed, that although his son John 
(afterwards king) had declared, " he had rather in devotion 
conduct an army against the Turks, than in ambition take 
possession of the kingdom of England," he had reason to 
believe that the declaration was not sincere.* Heraclius, 
being incensed, again urged upon the king the propriety of 
his going to the Holy Land himself; the latter, however, 
declined, assigning as a reason that, in all probability, his 
sons would break out into open rebellion, if he w T ere to leave 
his kingdom. Upon hearing this observation, Heraclius 
addressed the king in the most insulting manner, saying, 
" Well, if it should happen so, it will be no wonder; for from 
the devil they came, and to the devil they will go !"f Not- 
withstanding these repeated insults, the King of England 
had too noble a spirit to exhibit any resentment ; and, upon 
the departure of Heraclius for the Holy Land, he even ac- 
companied him as far as Normandy. 

Whilst Heraclius was in England, and indeed for some 
years previously, the situation of the Christians in the east 
was extremely critical. Saladin, as already observed, being 
possessed of Persia, Mesopotamia, and part of Syria, turned 

* Speed's Chronicles, p. 572. Rapin. — Henry II. 

t The introduction of this anecdote may seem ohjectionable ; hut the following 
note from Rapin will explain the meaning of the remark made by Heraclius, 
which, as it will be seen, was not the result of mere angry feeling on his part : — 

«' Brompton says, that the patriarch gave the king very hard words, reflecting 
on an old story of a certain Countess ofAnjou, the king's great grandmother, 
who, being reckoned a witch, was said to have flown out of the window while she 
was at mass, against her will, and was never seen afterwards." 



PROGRESS OF SALADIN. 57 

his eyes towards Palestine, which country separated several 
parts of his empire. It is natural to suppose that ambition 
prompted him in his desire to expel the Christians from 
Palestine. He attacked the castle of Daran, situated about 
four miles from Gaza, with an army of 40,000 men ; but 
meeting with a repulse, he retired upon Gaza itself. Here 
again his hopes were frustrated, and he therefore satisfied 
himself, at the time, with laying waste the surrounding 
country with fire and sword. 

The Hospitallers and Templars fought with the greatest 
heroism during these contests ; # but it was apparent to the 
King of . erusalem (Amaury) that he could not retain pos- 
session of the Holy Land, unless he were assisted. He 
therefore resolved upon making a personal application to 
the Emperor of the East. Upon his leaving Jerusalem, the 
government was placed in the hands of the Hospitallers 
and Templars, the masters of the two orders having an equal 
share of power. 

The lesser Armenia was at this time governed by Thodos, 
or Theodore, who allowed the religious-military orders of 
the Latins to have churches in his territory. He also mar- 
ried one of his sisters to a Christian prince, and declared 
Thomas, the fruit of this marriage, his successor. His bro- 
ther, Melier, who had actually become a Knight Templar, 
afterwards deprived Theodore of his throne, and engaged 
with Saladin against the Christians in an attempt to besiege 
Jerusalem. Whilst the Master of the Hospitallers felt it 
necessary to remain in Egypt, so as to prevent the depar- 
ture of Saladin's troops for the Holy Land, he directed his 
brethren to unite with the Templars against Melier. The 
cruelties inflicted upon the military orders by this recreant 
were frightful, as he caused his victims to be destroyed by 
the most lingering deaths. To add to the distress of the 
Christians, Amaury returned from Constantinople, after an 
unsuccessful application to the emperor, and died shortly 

* Vertot. 



58 GUY OF LUSIGNAN. 

afterwards, being succeeded on the throne of Jerusalem by 
Baldwin the Fourth, surnamed the Leprous. 

A. D. 1174. In this year the Christians, though greatly 
inferior in numerical strength, gained a decisive victory over 
the troops of Saladin, in the plain of Ascalon, and the latter 
were compelled to retreat with considerable loss. In the 
following year, however, the former suffered severely in an 
engagement with Saladin, when the Master of the Hospitallers 
was wounded very seriously, and the Master of the Templars 
taken prisoner. The Hospitallers having afterwards fortified 
a castle on the confines of Judea, one of the generals of the 
caliph besieged it ; and although the knights sustained their 
usual character for valour, the castle was carried sword in 
hand, the master of the order was cast into a dungeon, where 
he died from starvation, and almost all the knights were put 
to death. 

Saladin having ravaged the open country around Jordan, 
as a return for certain injuries done by the Christians, the 
latter, feeling the uncertainty of the tenure upon which they 
held possession of the Holy Land, determined upon obtain- 
ing, if possible, fresh succours from the west. Baldwin, about 
this period, married his daughter to Guy of Lusignan, whom 
he nominated regent, being himself incapacitated, by a con- 
firmed leprosy, from governing his kingdom. Raymond, 
Count of Tripoli, opposed Lusignan's appointment, and en- 
tered secretly into an arrangement with Saladin. 

In 1186, the King of Jerusalem died, and also his nephew 
and successor, Baldwin the Fifth. Raymond was now, more 
than ever, determined that Lusignan should not ascend the 
vacant throne, and agreed with Saladin to become a Mus- 
sulman, provided he were allowed to enjoy the kingdom of 
Jerusalem in peace. Saladin, however, declined this pro- 
posal, and soon afterwards entered Palestine and invested 
Acre, the care of which had been previously committed to 
the Hospitallers and Templars. The immense army of the 
besiegers did not terrify these brave warriors, who sallied 
out in the night, " with the sword in one hand and fire in the 



REGINALD OF CHATILLON. 59 

other, and destroyed the enemy's tents, giving no quarter 
to the infidels. " # Upon the dawn of day, Saladin, perceiving 
the inferiority of the Christians in point of numbers, reani- 
mated his soldiers, and a desperate battle ensued, in which 
the brave Master of the Hospitallers fell, covered with 
wounds. In this battle many of the Hospitallers were cut 
off, and no less than sixty of the Templars.f The loss of 
Saladin was also very severe, as he retreated without taking 
possession of Acre. After the battle, the body of the Master 
of the Hospitallers was sought for,J and his funeral solem- 
nized within the city, " amidst the tears of his knights, and 
the universal lamentation of the inhabitants." 

"After the death of Amaury," says Gibbon, "the sove- 
reigns, or the guardians, of the Holy City were — a leper, a 
child, a woman, a coward, and a traitor ; yet its fate was 
delayed by the valour of the military orders, and by the 
distant or domestic avocations of their great enemy." In 
1187, Reginald of Chatillon seized a fortress belonging to 
the Moslems, and Saladin immediately entered the Holy 
Land, in order to revenge himself for this insult. He 
determined upon besieging Tiberias, and the perfidious 
Raymond prevailed upon Guy de Lusignan to throw into 
the place his choicest troops ; and having succeeded in this 
object, the traitor slunk away from the garrison, although 
the city belonged to himself, and Saladin, by his advice, 
attacked it with a powerful army. The infidels soon obtained 
possession of the place, taking the King of Jerusalem and 
Reginald of Chatillon (the cause of the invasion) prisoners. 
The former he treated honourably ; to the latter he offered 
the alternative of becoming a Moslem, or suffering immediate 
death. The noble prince refused to deny his religion, and 
perished by the hands of Saladin himself. " The trembling 
Lusignan was sent to Damascus, to an honourable prison 
and speedy ransom ; but the victory was stained by the 

* Contin. Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 5. t Roger Hoveden, in Hen. TI. 

X Contin. Gul. Tyrr. lib. i., c. 5. 



60 



SACKING OF JERUSALEM. 



execution of two hundred and thirty Hospitallers, the 
intrepid champions and martyrs of their faith. The king- 
dom was left without a head, and of the two grand masters 
of the military orders, the one was slain and the other was 
a prisoner."* 

Saladin, after allowing his troops to relieve themselves 
from the fatigues they had endured, marched towards Jeru- 
salem, and besieged it ; f but the inhabitants flew to arms, 
and men, women, and children determined to die within the 
walls of the holy city, rather than submit to the infidel. 
Saladin himself, however, offered favourable terms to the 
besieged, having some ulterior object in view, which induced 
him to think that it was better to obtain Jerusalem by 
mild measures, than to cause its utter destruction. The 
reverence in which the city was held by the Moslems was 
doubtless a powerful motive in influencing his mind, as it 
was regarded as the centre of the earth, and the appointed 
place for the general resurrection ; and a prayer offered up 
within its walls, was considered equal to thirty thousand com- 
mon orisons ! The terms of capitulation being agreed upon, 
the Queen of Jerusalem, attended by the inhabitants, passed 
out of the city before the generous Saladin ; who, instead of 
insulting their misfortunes, paid every respect to the queen, 
and liberated many of the prisoners upon the intercession of 
their female relatives. By this event the spirit of the Chris- 
tians was completely broken, the holy city was again dese- 
crated by the Moslems, and the cross was dragged through 
the streets in awful mockery. But amidst these excesses, 
Saladin allowed one hundred of the knights of Saint John 
to remain in their hospital, having heard with pleasure of the 
tender care with which they treated the sick and wounded, 
of every country and every religion. A most affecting descrip- 
tion of the sufferings endured by the Christians upon this 
occasion, is contained in a letter addressed to Henry the 
Second, of England, by one of the Knights Templars. J 

* Chronica de Mailros. t Ibid. J Vertot. 






THE SALADINE TAX. 6i 

A. D. 1 1 87. The King of England* and Philip of France, 
together with the Count of Flanders, moved by the accounts 
received of their suffering brethren in the east, had a 
meeting at Guiennes, where they agreed to drop all private 
animosities, to assume the cross, and unite their forces 
against the Turks. The tax collected in England at this 
time was termed the Saladine Tax, and in order to raise it, 
the king held a parliament at Geddington, in Northampton- 
shire,f when it was determined that the whole realm should 
be laid under tribute, and towards it the Christians were 
made to contribute seventy thousand pounds, and the Jews 
sixty thousand. The Bishop of Norwich is said to have 
given one thousand marks to be relieved from joining the 
Crusade. 

Prince Richard, (afterwards Richard I.) strongly suspecting 
that his father wished to make John his successor, endea- 
voured, but in vain, to prevail upon the latter to join the 
Crusade. Henry died soon afterwards, at Chinon; — the re- 
bellion of Richard, and the treachery of John, his favourite 
son, combining with other reverses to accelerate his death. 
His corpse was treated with every mark of disrespect, even the 
covering being stolen from it by his mercenary attendants. 
He was buried at Font Everard, in Normandy, and a stately 
tomb was afterwards erected over his remains. J It is said, 
that when Richard approached the body as it lay in state, (if 
such a term can be used with propriety,) the blood gushed 
out from the nostrils of the deceased monarch; and that 
circumstance so deeply affected Richard, that he declared 
himself, by his unfilial conduct, to have been the cause of 
his father's death.§ 

* Annales de Margan. Rapin. Speed's Chronicles. Chronica de Mailros. 
t Stow's Annals, p. 157. $ See Stothard's Monumental Effigies. 

§ Rapin. Hume. 



62 



THE THIRD CRUSADE. 



CHAPTER IV. 

A. D. 1189. RICHARD I. 




(Cceur de Lion) # 
succeeded to the throne of 
England upon the death of his 
father, but evinced no anxiety 
to leave the continent, where 
he remained for two or three 
months, in order that he might 
formally receive the ducal crown of Normandy, and pay 
homage to Philip, King of France. Almost the first act of 
his reign was to despatch messengers to England to liberate 
his mother, Queen Eleanora, f (who had been imprisoned for 
many years,) in whose hands he placed the reins of govern- 
ment during his absence. 

Prince John, whose irregularities were a source of great 
uneasiness to Richard, received undeserved favours at his 
hands, having no less than six earldoms given to him, toge- 
ther with other very extensive grants. The alteration in 
Richard's feelings towards his brother was not more remark- 

* " It is sayd, that a lyon was put to Kynge Richard, beynge in prison, to 
have devoured hym, and when the lyon was gapynge, he put his arme in his 
mouthe, and pulled him hy the harte so harde, that he slew the lyon ; aud there- 
fore some saye he is called Rycharde, Cure de Lyon ; but some saye he is called 
Cure de Lyon, because of his boldenesse and hardy stomacke." — Peter Langtofft's 
Chronicles. Note. 

t Queen Eleanora, upon her death, was buried by the side of Henry II., at 
Font Everard. For a graphic illustration of her tomb, see Stothard's Monu- 
mental Effigies. 



PREPARATIONS IN ENGLAND. 63 

able than that which he evinced towards those who had been 
his own advisers and friends during his father's life time. 
Instead of loading them with favours commensurate with 
his ability, he discarded them from his presence, and, as if 
stung with remorse at his unfilial conduct towards his late 
parent, all the advisers of Henry enj oyed his special protec- 
tion and regard. 

"The king, (says Hume,) impelled more by a love of 
military glory than religion, acted from the beginning of his 
reign as if the sole purpose of his government had been the 
relief of the Holy Land, and the recovery of Jerusalem from 
the Saracens." In order to accomplish this purpose, he 
used every means of obtaining money, both by direct and 
indirect means.* The ecclesiastics preached the Crusade 
from their pulpits, and the confessors enjoined few penances 
but what tended to promote the great design of recovering 
the Holy Land.f 

Many persons in England having made vows to visit Jeru- 
salem, and then wishing to excuse themselves from their 
observance, Richard obtained authority from the Pope to 
sell them the liberty of violating their oath, and to apply 
the money thus raised to the purposes of the intended Cru- 
sade. The revenues of the crown were also sold ; the offi- 
cers of state were obliged to purchase their situations ; the 
richer subjects of the realm were compelled to lend money 
to the king; and the most oppressive taxes were imposed 
upon the people.^ The King of Scotland, upon payment of 
a comparatively small sum of money, had Berwick and 
Roxborough given up to him, Richard resigning, at the 
same time, all claims to the sovereignty of Scotland ; and 
the Bishop of Durham purchased the earldom of Northum- 
berland,^ upon which occasion the king boasted that he had 

* Clarke's Vestigia Anglicana, vol. i., p. 322. 

t Rapin. — Richard I. " Pope Gregory exhorted persons of every class 

to go to the Holy Land." — Chron. Walteri Hemingford, p. 459. 
t Roger Hoveden, p. 641. 
§ Chron. Thomae Wykes. Stowe's Annals, p. 159. 



64 



FREDERIC BARBAROSSA. 



made a young earl out of an old bishop. At length, when 
his ministers upbraided him for sacrificing every other con- 
sideration to the support of the Crusades, he replied that he 
would sell London itself, if he could find a purchaser. # 

Fulk, a very eloquent preacher, who was inciting the Nor- 
mans to engage in the holy war, meeting with Richard, 
King of England, praised his piety and religious enthusiasm ; 
he however observed, that he had three pernicious passions, 
(these he termed Richard's three daughters,) which it would 
be well for him to part with : viz. — Pride, Avarice, and 
Luxury. Richard replied, smartly, that he would give the 
first to the Templars, the second to the Cistertian monks, 
and the third to the bishops of his dominions.^ 

The Emperor of Germany, (Frederic Barbarossa, nephew 
of Conrad,) although advanced in years, assumed the cross 
with his son, the Duke of Suabia. Having collected toge- 
ther 150,000 persons, they set out for Palestine from Ratis- 
bon ; but, on their way through the territories of the Greek 
emperor, were attacked on all sides. Frederic, however, 
succeeded in putting to flight the troops opposed to him, and 
at length reached Cilicia. Here, during the heat of sum- 
mer, he was tempted to bathe in the Cydnus ; but owing to 
his great age, the coldness of the stream affected him so 
much, that he lost his life. J After the death of their em- 
peror, the Germans, under the Duke of Suabia, proceeded 
to Jerusalem, but by the time they had arrived, their num- 
ber was scarcely a tithe of those that had originally left 
Germany. 

Richard, previously to leaving his dominions for the Holy 
Land, laid Prince John under an engagement not to enter 
the kingdom till his return ; and afterwards gave the reins 
of government into the hands of the Bishops of Durham 
and Ely. He then proceeded to the plains of Vezely, on 
the borders of Burgundy, where he met Philip of France. 
The two monarchs, after having entered into the most solemn 

* Simeon of Durham. t Vertot. 

t Annales de Margan. 



PHILIP VII. OF FRANCE. 65 

engagements not to invade each other's dominions, either 
in person or by their subjects, during the existence of the 
Crusade, embraced each other with apparent affection, and 
parted ; Philip taking the road to Genoa, and Richard that 
to Marseilles, where their respective fleets were ordered to 
await their arrival.* The combined forces of the English 
and French before Vezely amounted to 100,000 men; and, 
although all of them put to sea, they were compelled 
by stress of weather to make for the harbour of Messina, in 
Sicily, where they remained the whole winter; and to this 
delay, Hume attributes all the evils that afterwards resulted 
from the misunderstanding between the two monarchs. 

"Richard and Philip," says he, "were, by the situation 
and extent of their dominions, rivals in power ; by their age 
and inclinations competitors for glory; and these causes of 
emulation, which, had the princes been employed in the 
field against the common enemy, might have stimulated 
them to martial enterprises, soon excited, during the present 
leisure and repose, quarrels between monarchs of such a 
fiery character." 

During the time they sojourned at Messina, a quarrel 
arose between the English and the Messinians ; the for- 
mer, after having gained the advantage, encamped within 
the city, and planted the royal standard of England on 
the walls. This conduct gave great umbrage to King 
Philip, which was still further increased by Richard's 
refusal to marry Alice, the sister of the French monarch, 
owing to her disreputable character. Philip left Messina 
when these differences had been arranged ; but Richard 
awaited the arrival of Berengeria, the daughter of the 
King of Navarre, (to whom he was afterwards espoused,) 
and then set sail for the Holy Land. 

The English squadron consisted of one hundred and fifty 
sail, fifty-two galleys, ten large ships of burden, laden with 
provisions, and many other smaller vessels ; but a storm 
arose, the fleet was dispersed between Rhodes and Cyprus, 

* Gul. Neub. p. 355. Aunales de Margan. 






ti(5 THE CAPTURE OF CYPRUS. 

and part of it was driven on shore at the latter place, 
which was then governed by Isaac Comnenus, whose avarice 
induced him to plunder the vessels.* 

Richard succeeded in collecting together that part of the 
fleet which had braved the storm, and at once sailed for 
Cyprus, where he soon heard of the outrage that had been 
committed by the cruel and avaricious Isaac. He demanded 
the instant liberation of those of his subjects who had been 
imprisoned, but no attention was paid to this request; he 
therefore attacked the Cypriots on the sea-shore, and com- 
pletely routed them. Roger Hoveden observes, that the 
barbed arrows of the English archers fell like showers of 
rain on the meadows. Richard afterwards attacked the city 
of Limisso, and took Isaac and his daughter prisoners. 

" The former he bound with silver fetters,^ with which he 
is said to have been much pleased, as he had entreated the 
conqueror not to put him in irons ; but the latter is suspected 
of having put chains of another description on Richard him- 
self, as he afterwards evinced great regard for this beautiful 
princess, and an increasing coolness towards Berengeria." 
Richard, before his departure from Cyprus, sold the island 
to the Templars, who accordingly took possession of it. 

A.D. 1191. Great joy was diffused throughout the Chris- 
tian army upon the arrival of the English at Acre. This place 
had been besieged by the Christians for nearly a whole year, 
and the troops of Saladin, by their continual attacks upon the 
besiegers, had nearly destroyed all their forces. The arrival 
of Philip and Richard awakened Saladin to a sense of his 
imprudence, in not previously attempting, by a bold effort, 
to relieve the city; as the immense armies of the kings 
of England and France now rendered the attempt almost 
hopeless. 

The Christians in Palestine, having received such impor- 
tant aid from Europe, were soon enabled, by the assistance 
of these illustrious leaders, to carry on a series of effective 
operations. The English and French each day occupied a 

* Chronica Walteri Hemingford, p. 523. t Chronicon Thoma 3 Wjkes. 



SIEGE OF ACRE. 67 

particular post ; whilst the soldiers of one nation were en- 
gaged in leading the assault, those of the other guarded the 
trenches, and provided for the safety of the assailants. 
Vinesauf gives a most brilliant description of the appear- 
ance of the allied army before the walls of Acre ; it con- 
sisted, in fact, " of the noblest youths of Christendom, whose 
splendid tents, glittering weapons, and gorgeous cogni- 
zances, displayed every variety of national and individual 
peculiarity.' ' Nor was the appearance of the troops of 
Saladin less imposing. Acre was strongly garrisoned, and 
on the eminences overlooking the city were seen the Mos- 
lems of Egypt, Syria, Arabia, and other oriental provinces ; 
and the black banner of the Prophet floated on the walls of 
Acre, in proud defiance of the crimson standard of the cross.* 

During this memorable siege, the petty jealousies between 
the monarchs of England and France were continually 
reviving ; and the following circumstance may be referred to 
as increasing these feelings. 

The throne of Jerusalem, which originally belonged to the 
family of Bouillon, having descended to a female of that 
line, who married Fulk, Count of Anjou, (an ancestor of 
Henry II. of England,) was afterwards transmitted by title 
to his descendants. This race also ended in a female, 
named Sibylla ; and Guy de Lusignan, by marrying her, 
succeeded to the title of King of Jerusalem ; and although 
Saladin had deprived him of the throne, his title was still 
acknowledged by the Christians. Queen Sibylla and her 
children dying, Isabella, sister of the former, was persuaded 
to have the marriage between herself and Humphrey de 
Thoron annulled; and she afterwards married Conrad, 
Prince of Tyre, of the house of Mountserrat, who opposed 
Lusignan's further pretensions to the crown of Jerusalem. 
These disputes arose previously to the siege of Acre : 
Lusignan applied to Richard, who promised to support his 
pretensions ; Conrad obtained the aid of Philip, — so that a 
fruitful source of dispute arose even at the commencement of 

* Vinesauf, lib. i., c. 2. 



68 THE FALL OF ACRE. 

the siege. It was natural that the same differences should 
prevail throughout the subordinate divisions of the army. 
The Hospitallers and Templars, as usual, attached themselves 
to different interests. * The Hospitallers, together with the 
Flemings and Pisans, sided with Richard and Lusignan; 
and the Templars, with the Germans and Genoese, took part 
with Philip and Conrad. The differences between the con- 
tending parties were, however, eventually arranged ; Lusig- 
nan remaining titular sovereign of Jerusalem, but Conrad, in 
right of his wife Isabella, being acknowledged indefeasible 
heir to the throne, f 

During the siege, Leopold, Duke of Austria, having taken 
one of the towers by assault, ordered his banner to be raised 
upon it, which Richard immediately had removed ; this 
conduct excited the deadliest hatred in the breast of the 
duke, which he afterwards took the opportunity of gratifying, 
by imprisoning Richard on his return to Europe. £ 

The infidels were not wanting in courage during the pro- 
tracted siege of Acre, which lasted more than two years; 
but at length the kings of England and France, being con- 
vinced of the impolicy of continuing their private animosities 
whilst an enemy was before them, became reconciled, and 
had nearly succeeded in taking the city by assault, when a 
capitulation was demanded by the Moslems, the terms of 
which were at length agreed upon. 

The besieged were allowed to leave the city upon pay- 
ment of a large sum of money, and the deliverance of one 
hundred Christian nobles and one thousand five hundred 

* " Robert d'Artois (during the eighth Crusade) upbraided the Master of the 
Templars, that it was the common speech that the Holy Land had long since 
been wonne, but for the collisions of the Hospitallers and Templars." — Fuller, 
book v., chap. 17. 

t Hume — Richard I. 

% " Richard, with pride and for humane respect, 
The Austrian colours he doth here deject 
With too much soorn ; behold, at length, how fate 
Makes him a wretched prisoner to that state ; 
And leaves him, as a mark of fortune's spite, 
When princes tempt their stars beyond their light." 

Ben Jeruon. 






LOSSES OF THE CRUSADERS. 69 

inferior captives, together with the restoration of the true 
cross.* The privations endured by the ciusaders were ex- 
tremely severe ; and Vinesauf says, that 300,000 were killed 
by the enemy, and that many more died from disease, fatigue, 
and the unhealthiness of the climate. The Hospitallers par- 
ticularly distinguished themselves upon this occasion, so 
much so indeed as to induce many of the crusaders to enter 
their order; and upon application to the commanderies of 
Europe for recruits, it was observed, that the Hospitallers 
supplied a greater number than the Templars, who seemed 
more proud and haughty than was suitable to the character 
of a religious society, " so that all the world was for fight- 
ing under the banners of St. John of Jerusalem. "-f 

It is observed by many English historians, that the order 
of the Garter originated at the memorable siege of Acre, 
Richard the First having bound leathern thongs round the 
knees of those soldiers who displayed the greatest valour and 
particularly distinguished themselves in the assault. There 
is probably as little truth in the above statement, as in that 
which assigns the institution of the order to the gallantry of 
Edward III. ; although it must be admitted, with Hume, 
that unless the latter be the correct statement, " it is difficult 
to account for the seemingly unmeaning terms of the motto, 
or the peculiar badge of the order/' The reader will find 
much interesting matter connected with this subject in the 
Introduction to " Ashmole's Order of the Garter," by which 
it would appear to be the opinion of the learned author, that 
the order originated under circumstances which it is difficult, 
at the present day, to ascertain with any degree of correct- 
ness ; both of the preceding accounts being liable to many 
weighty objections. 

Upon the taking of Acre, it was agreed that the spoil 
should be equally divided between the French and English, 

* Speed's Chronicles, p. 535. 

t " The military orders, it seems, were augmented by the entrance of many 
nohle persons ahroad, after the departure of the two kings, (Richard and Philip,) 
which noble persons bestowed all their transmarine property on them." — Fas- 
ti role, p. 119. 



70 BRAVERY OF THE HOSPITALLERS. 

and two commissioners (each attended by one hundred 
soldiers) were appointed to effect this object; but the dis- 
tribution was delayed so long, that many of the earls and 
barons were compelled to sell their weapons and return home. 
The recovery of Acre is celebrated in verse by a Floren- 
tine monk ;* and we are told that " the brave Hospitallers, 
seeing the Turks, in a sally, take a great number of prison- 
ers, dismounted from their horses, flew to the rescue, like a 
bear going to be robbed of her whelps, cut some of the Turks 
in pieces, and then mounting again, pursued the rest of the 
infidels to the walls of the city." 




No sooner had Acre fallen, than Philip of France exhi- 
bited great anxiety to return to Europe, under the plea of 
ill health ;f and Richard remarked, that if such were the real 
cause of his wish to leave the Holy Land, he had better go, 
as the climate was ill suited to valetudinarians. No doubt, 
Richard secretly suspected Philip's intention of interfering 

* " Hospitalis milites ab Equis descendunt, 

Ut ursa pro filiis, cum Turcis contendunt, 
Turci nostrum aggerem per vim bis contendunt, 
Hos sagittis fauciunt, hos igni succendunt, 
Et Hospitalarii Equos accenderunt, 
Et Turcos a latere manus invaserunt, 
Quos ad urbis mcenia per vim reduxerunt, 
Et ex his in foveis multos exciderunt." 

Mon. Florentin. de Recuperata PtoJemaide. 

t Annales Monast. Burton. 



THE HOSPITALLERS SETTLE AT ACRE. 71 

with his possessions in Normandy, and of creating disturb- 
ances in England, as he bound him, previously to his depar- 
ture, under the most solemn engagements, to conform to 
his former protestations of friendship. Philip, however, no 
sooner reached Italy, than he endeavoured to obtain abso- 
lution from the Pope as to these engagements ; but his 
application was unsuccessful, as all those who had taken 
the cross were under the special protection of the court of 
Rome.* Philip pretended that Richard had driven him 
from the Holy Land; but this ridiculous statement was 
opposed by the circumstance of his own warlike character, 
and his having left part of his troops with the King of Eng- 
land, publicly ordering them to pay him the same allegi- 
ance as they had done to himself. 

After the departure of Philip, Richard put to death many 
of the prisoners in his possession, in consequence of Saladin 
refusing to complete his engagement to deliver up into the 
hands of the Christians the wood of the true cross. f Upon 
hearing of this act of cruelty, Saladin treated the Christian 
prisoners in the same manner. The walls of Acre were 
then repaired by the crusaders, and the altars of the various 
churches were re-consecrated by the Bishop of Salisbury, 
who had taken a very active part in the late contest. J A 
portion of the city was presented to the Knights Hos- 
pitallers, as a return for their noble conduct, and Acre 
became their principal place of residence,^ as they had been 
expelled from Jerusalem by Saladin, after the siege of that 
place. The Grand -Master of this religious-military order 
died within the walls of Acre,|| about a year after the Chris- 

* This circumstance will at once account for the great numher of persons 
assuming the cross. See Appendix O. 

t " Crucem tenent, qui crucifixum contemnunt." — Vinesauf, p. 253. (Gale.) 

t See Appendix P. 

§ " Of the several courts and jurisdictions established in the great city of Acre, 
the tenth belonged to the Grand-Master of the Hospitallers." — Favine's Theatre 
of Heraldry, fol. , p. 389. 

|| Roger Hoveden. Contin. Gul. Tyr., lib. i., cap. 5. 



72 



PROWESS OF RICHARD. 



tians had obtained possession Jof it. Among the English 
who fell in the third Crusade, were " William, Earl of Fer- 
rers ; Ralph, Archdeacon of Colchester ; Robert Scrope, of 
Barton ; Silvester, the seneschal of the Archbishop of Can- 
terbury ; Henry Pigot, seneschal of Lord Surry ; Walter 
Scrope, Mowbray, Talbot, and Saint John ;" and Vinesauf 
computes those who died at the siege of Acre at 300,000. 
Bohadin, however, doubles this number. 

The name of Richard, Cceur de Lion, had become so ter- 
rible in the east, that mothers used it for the purpose of 
silencing their refractory offspring, and this method is said 
to have been resorted to successfully. In the field of battle, 
Richard seemed to possess the attribute of ubiquity, as 
scarcely any part of the enemy's ranks escaped coming into 
collision with him. 

Wherever danger appeared, the King of England was sure 
to be engaged ; and he frequently retired from his own 
troops, and dashing into the opposing ranks of the infidels, 




CONQUESTS OF THE CHRISTIANS. 73 

left ten or twenty breathless corpses to bespeak his mili- 
tary prowess and the effect of his tremendous battle-axe. 
Even the horses are said to have been sensible of his pre- 
sence, so that it became a common practice for the Moslem 
soldier to say to his restive steed, " You jade ! do you think 
that King Richard is on your back ?" # 

Being left in the Holy Land with 30,000 soldiers of various 
nations, and having arranged for his queen, Berengeria, to 
remain at Acre, Richard determined upon attempting the 
capture of the cities and towns on the sea-coast; and in 
order to effect this object the more readily, the ships be- 
longing to the Christians carried the provisions, and coasted 
along in sight of the army. The Christian forces were so 
closely packed in their march, that Vinesauf (the historian 
of this Crusade) says, if an apple had been thrown up 
into the air, it would have fallen on either man or horse. 
The cities on the sea-coast were successively abandoned by 
Saladin, after laying their walls prostrate ; and the march of 
the crusaders towards Jerusalem was a continued battle, as 
the infidels amounted in number to 300,000. On the plains 
of Arsura dreadful conflict took place, during which Richard 
displayed his usual valour and strength ; but although the 
enemy was superior in number, victory was declared on the 
side of the Christians. Similar success attended them as 
they proceeded onwards ; but the voice of envy exposing 
Richard to imminent danger, he felt desirous of entering 
into terms with the Moslems, and of returning to Europe. 

Saladin, however, refused to give up the true cross, 
and the proposals for peace were not again renewed for 
some time. The Christians, therefore, proceeded towards 
Ascalon, " the bride of Syria," and Saladin wept over the 
city as he ordered its destruction. As soon as the Chris- 
tians had obtained possession of this once magnificent place, 
Richard ordered his troops to repair the walls ; but many of 
the chiefs demurred, and the Duke of Austria, still thirsting 
with revenge for the indignity offered to him at Acre, sent 

* Join ville, tome i., p. 274. 



74 prince John's rebellion. 

a sarcastic message to the king, stating that he was neither 
a mason nor a carpenter ! 

A. D. 1191. About this period, the prior of Hereford was 
despatched to the Holy Land, to inform Richard of the 
endeavour, on the part of Prince John, to usurp the crown 
of England.* This at once fixed the determination, on 
the part of the king, to leave the Holy Land ; but he 
was unwilling to do so, until a fresh leader had been ap- 
pointed for the Christian army. Conrad was eventually 
elected, and Richard displayed his magnanimity by assenting 
to the election of his deadliest enemy, thereby sacrificing his 
personal feelings at the shrine of public duty. 

Conrad was, however, soon carried off by the hands of an 
assassin, one of the disciples of the Old Man of the Moun- 
tain.f Richard lay under the imputation of this murder, but 
without the slightest reason. J Henry, Count of Champagne, 
was elected in Conrad's place, and arrived in the Holy 
Land, shortly afterwards, with 60,000 troops. The reco- 
very of Jerusalem was again determined upon, notwith- 
standing the intended departure of the King of England ; 
and a council was afterwards held, (consisting of five French 
barons, five barons of Palestine, five Hospitallers, and five 
Templars,) for the consideration of this plan, which was 
ultimately abandoned. § 

The Christian army was still opposed by the infidels, and nu- 
merous engagements took place, in most of which the former 
was victorious ; but many of the crusaders who had left Eng- 
land with Richard, were wearied by their exertions during this 
protracted Crusade, and expressed their anxiety to return to 
their native country. The king, listening to their solicita- 
tions, and fearing the consequences of Prince John's rebel- 
lious conduct, at length concluded a singular truce with 
Saladin for a term of " three years, three months, three 
days, and three hours ! " || Upon departing for England, 

* Vinesauf, p. 384. t See Appendix Q. 

t See a copy of the letter of accusation in Holinshed's Chronicles, p. 136. 

$ Vinesauf, (Gale,) pp. 372, 404. || Matt. Paris, p. 203. 



Richard's imprisonment. 75 

Richard sent word to Saladin that he might depend upon 
seeing him again, to attempt once more the recovery of the 
Holy Land ; to which Saladin nobly replied, that he had 
rather be dispossessed of his dominions by the King of Eng- 
land, than by any other monarch in Christendom.* 

A. D. 1193. Richard passed through the possessions of 
the Duke of Austria in his way to England ; and, although 
disguised, he was discovered, seized, and imprisoned. f It 
is probable that he would never have regained his liberty, 
had not the place of his incarceration been discovered by 
the minstrel Blondel, who informed Queen Eleanora of the 
circumstance. 

The Emperor of Germany demanded 150,000 marks for 
Richard's ransom, and 

" His moder, dame Alienore, and the barons of England, 
For him travailed sore to bring him out of band." 

Peter Langtofft's Chronicle. 

Commissioners were appointed to raise the money, which was 
partly effected by imposing additional taxes upon the people, 
and by borrowing one year's wool of the Cistertian monks. 
In order to make up the deficiency, the plate belonging to the 
clergy was given up, and even the church chalices J were 
delivered to the queen, upon her promising to restore them 
when the king had obtained his freedom. § 

* Speed's Chronicles, p. 537. Vinesauf. — Kicardi Regis Iter. Hieros., p. 423, 
(Gale). 

t Annales de Margan. Chronica Walteri Hemingford, (Gale,) p. 535. 

" Queen Eleanora applied to the Pope to intercede for Richard's liberation, and 
stated that " the princes of the earth were agreed to destroy a Christian king, 
and yet the sword of St. Peter remained in its scabbard." — Rymer, i., p. 57, 
new edit. 

X Stavely's History of Churches. Gul. Neub. Matt. Paris. 

" Sacra etiam vasa altaris direpta sunt." — Annales de Margan. 
" Ecclesiarum calices vendebantur." — Chronicon Thom<z Wykes. 
" Deinde ad sacra vasa ventum est." — Chronica Walteri Hemingford. 

§ " Richard, after his liberation, bountifully relieved every day much poor, 
and restored gold and silver vessels to those churches from which, to pay his 
ransom, they had been taken away." — Speed's Chronicles, p. 544. 



76 DEATH OF SALADIN. 

It appears, according to Holinshed, that much difference 
of opinion existed as to the exact sum paid for the king's 
ransom;* for he observes, "Some write it was two hun- 
dred thousend markes, others saie that it was but one 
hundred and forty ; but William Paris, who lived in those 
daies, affirmeth that it was an hundred thousend markes 
of Cullen weight." f 

About this period, the Moslems had to lament the loss of 
Saladin, who entailed many evils upon his subjects by the 
disputes that arose in consequence of his having neglected to 
name his successor. The situation of the Christians in the 
east, after the departure of the King of England, was also 
extremely critical, the knights belonging to the military 
orders having revived their former quarrels ; and as the 
Christians had really no efficient leader, application was 
made to Pope Celestine III., to exhort the princes of 
Europe to undertake a new Crusade. J The aged pontiff 
immediately complied with this request, and endeavoured to 
interest Richard, Cceur de Lion, in favour of the enterprise ; 
but his recent imprisonment, and the distracted state of his 
kingdom, induced him to decline the proposition. 

With Philip of France the application was equally unsuc- 
cessful, as he had too much reason to fear retaliation on the 
part of the King of England for his conduct towards him, to 
render it prudent to leave his kingdom. Henry IV., the 
Emperor of Germany, was the next sovereign applied to; 
he obeyed the call, and made an appeal to his subjects in 
behalf of the Crusade. 

The object of the emperor was not merely that of recover- 
ing possession of Jerusalem ; he hoped also to conquer Sicily, 

* " An old traveller through Germany says, that the ransom of Richard 
beautified Vienna, and that the two walls round the city were built with this 
money." — Mills. 

t Holinshed's Chronicles, p. 136. 

t The Master of the Knights Hospitallers sent a letter to the prior of England, 
for which see Hoveden, p. 827. 

" The Archbishop of Canterbury preached through Wales in favour of the 
Crusade." — Speed's Chronicles. 



THE FOURTH CRUSADE. 77 

and thereby eventually to effect the reunion of the eastern 
and western empires, being well aware of the importance 
g** this maritime country to the Greek emperor. Prudence, 
therefore, determined him upon remaining in Europe, in order 
to accomplish the above-mentioned object; but he raised a 
large army for the purpose of prosecuting the Crusade, which 
was placed under the generalship of the Dukes of Saxony 
and Brabant, with whom the Queen of Hungary, after having 
assumed the cross, united her forces. 

. The arrival of these crusaders in the Holy Land was re- 
garded by many of the Latins, who resided there, as an evil 
rather than otherwise, for owing to the dissensions between 
the sons of Saladin, the Christians had lately remained in 
comparative security ; but nothing could induce the enthu- 
siastic soldiers from Germany to delay the commencement 
of the war, and Saphadin, (the brother of the deceased Sa- 
ladin,) the Moslem leader, immediately prepared to oppose 
their march. Between Tyre and Sidon a desperate engage- 
ment ensued, in which the Christians were victorious, and 
their joy at this occurrence was increased by the arrival of 
fresh succours from Europe. 

As there was now every prospect of success, they marched 
onwards and besieged the fortress of Thoron, and after a 
protracted siege of nearly five weeks, the Moslems demanded 
a free passage ; but the Christian leaders, not being agreed 
as to the propriety of granting this request, the former 
determined to abide the result of the continuance of the 
assault. The delay proved favourable to their hopes, for 
the German leaders, having heard of the approach of the 
Egyptians to relieve the besieged, were panic-struck, and 
deserted their troops in the night. This circumstance was 
discovered at day-break, and their example was soon fol- 
lowed by the soldiery. Mutual recrimination took place 
between the German and the other princes ; and to add 
to the distress of the Christians, the report reached them 
of the death of the emperor, Henry IV., who having 
conquered Sicily, had purposed proceeding to their aid. 



78 RICHARD ARRIVES IN ENGLAND. 

The major part of the crusaders now determined to return 
to Europe ; but the heroic Queen of Hungary, with the 
remnant of the army, shut herself up in Jaffa, which the 
Moslems entered on the 11th of November, 1187, and put 
every one to the sword. Thus ended this short, yet inglo- 
rious Crusade. Henry, Count of Champagne and King of 
Jerusalem, died almost at the same period. Fuller observes, 
that " at this time, the spring-tide of the Christians' mirth 
so drowned their souls, that the Turks, coming in upon them, 
cut every one of their throats, to the number of twenty 
thousand ; and quickly they were stabbed with the sword 
that were cup-shot before. A day, which the Dutch (or 
Germans) may well write in their calendars in red letters, 
dyed with their own blood, when the camp was the sham- 
bles, the Turks their butchers, and themselves the Mar- 
tinmasse beeves, from which the beastly drunkards differ 
but little." * 

We must now turn to the events that were passing at this 
period in Europe. No sooner had Richard regained his 
liberty, than intimation of the circumstance was forwarded 
by Philip of France to Prince John, in the following memo- 
rable words : — " Take care : — the devil has broken loose 
again." -j- The escape of Richard was little less than mi- 
raculous, as the Emperor of Germany, having assassinated 
the Bishop of Liege and thereby incurred the displeasure 
of the German princes, purposed entering into an alliance 
with Philip. In order to facilitate this object, he had 
intended to keep both his prisoner and the money sent 
for his ransom ; but his orders were sent too late, the King 
of England having left the shores of Germany before the 
arrival of Henry's mercenaries, and after a fair voyage, 
landed in his own territories, at Sandwich, in Kent. J His 
subjects were delighted with his liberation, the barons con- 

* Holy War, book iii., c. 16. t Matt. Paris, p. 204. 

X " Philip of France and Prince John offered the emperor large sums of 
money to retain Richard prisoner. Their letters were shown to the latter." — 
Stow's Annals, p. 160. Matt. Westmonast., p. 68. 



RICHARD INVADES FRANCE. 79 

fiscated all the possessions of John, and after a short time, 
Richard was firmly re-established on his throne. Through 
the intercession of Queen Eleanor, he became reconciled to 
his brother, to whom he observed, " I freely forgive you ; 
and I hope I shall as soon forget your injuries, as you 
will my pardon ! " 

The Duke of Austria, on his death-bed, felt great com- 
punction at his treatment of King Richard, and set at liberty 
all the English hostages that remained in his hands. The 
Emperor Henry* also sought to ingratiate himself into favour 
with the English monarch, when he found he had got beyond 
the reach of his power. The universal hatred which the 
base conduct of these monarchs excited, was considered by 
Richard as a sufficient punishment ; and all his enmity was 
reserved for Philip of France. 

A. D. 1198. As soon as Richard had regained posses- 
sion of his throne, he entered France and ravaged the 
country ; but no very important consequences resulted, as 
it was soon found the more politic course for the two 
kings to become reconciled. There is, however, one inci- 
dent connected with the war worth noticing, inasmuch as 
it bespeaks the character of the period. The Bishop of 
Beauvais, having been taken prisoner in an engagement with 
the English, was thrown into prison ; and when the Pope 
claimed the liberation of the prelate as his son, the coat of 
mail worn by the latter in the field of battle was forwarded 
to the pontiff smeared with blood, Richard replying to his 
message in the language of Jacob's sons to their father, after 
they had sold their brother and saturated his coat with 
blood in order to conceal their crime, — " This have we found : 
know now whether it be thy son's coat or no." 

After the reconciliation of the kings of England and France, 
an exchange of possessions took place ; and one of Richard's 
French vassals having found a treasure, and sending only part 

* " Three thousand marks were offered by the emperor, owing to remorse, to 
make silver censers for the use of the church, hut they were refused by the Cister- 
tian order." — Speed's Chronicles, p. 540. Stow's Annals, p. 161. 



80 DEATH OF RICHARD. 

of it to him, Richard claimed the whole, and in order to 
recover possession of it, besieged the castle of Chaluz, near 
Limoges. Here it was that he closed his life,* having 
been wounded by a poisoned arrow,-f- by an archer named 
Bertrand de Gourdon.J 

The place of his death, referring to the means by which 
his ransom had been effected, gave rise to the following 
epigram : — 

" Christe, tui calicis praedo fit praeda Caluzis." 

" Christ ! the robber of your chalice becomes a prey at Chaluz." 



* " His heart was buried at Rouen, and bis bowels at Cbaluz." — Stow's Annals, 
p. 163. 

t Some valuable information upon tbe subject of Richard's death will be 
found in Dr. Meyrick's work on Ancient Armour. 

$ Annates Monast. Burton. Annales de Margan. 



ARTHUR DUKE OF BRITTANY. 



81 



CHAPTER V. 

A. D. 1200. JOHN. 




p^1S reign of King John was marked 
by a series of events, which, in a 
great measure, prevented the Eng- 
lish from the prosecution of the 
Crusades. Previously to the death 
of Richard I., his nephew, Arthur, 
Duke of Brittany, had been de- 
clared his successor; and although this disposition of the 
crown was afterwards altered in John's favour, the claims of 
the young duke were warmly espoused by Philip of France 
and many of the English nobility. These dissensions were, 
however, speedily settled by Constantia, the mother of 
young Arthur ; who, believing that Philip had no other 
motive for opposing the King of England than a desire to 
secure to himself the revolted provinces, compelled her son 
to swear allegiance to John. The disputes between the kings 
of England and France were also arranged, by the marriage 
of Philip's son, Louis, to Blanche of Castile, the niece of 
Kmg John. Upon this occasion, the two monarchs entered 
into a solemn treaty of peace, which was guaranteed by the 
barons of each country, who declared, that in the event of 
its violation, they would assist the injured party. # 

Although the fourth Crusade had been attended with such 
ill success, Pope Innocent III., (then in his ninetieth year,) 

* Hume. — John. 



82 THE FIFTH CRUSADE. 

determined upon applying to the sovereigns of the west to 
persuade them to engage in another ; and the arrival of the 
Bishop of Ptolemais from the Holy Land, on purpose to 
solicit aid against the infidels, rendered the application the 
more plausible. In order to show his devotedness, the pontiff 
had the whole of his plate melted down, which he gave 
towards the expenses of the Crusade, and expressed his reso- 
lution, during its continuance, of using only earthenware in 
his household. An application was then made to the kings 
of England and France, who granted a fortieth part of the 
revenues of the ecclesiastics for the purpose of prosecuting 
the war, and all persons. " who had taken the cross, and 
secretly laid it down, were compelled to receive it again." 

The disputes between King John and his barons, together 
with the murder of Duke Arthur, his nephew, (which latter 
circumstance had revived hostilities with France,) prevented 
the English monarch from taking an active part in the Cru- 
sade. Philip of France was under an interdict, and the 
influence of the Pope had so much declined in Europe, that 
although his nuncios preached the Crusade, and offered to 
grant pardons and indulgences to all those who assumed the 
cross, nearly two years elapsed before any active preparations 
were made to leave Europe. Among those who listened to 
the solicitations of the Pope, were some of the most influ- 
ential nobles of France. Thibaud, Count of Champagne, 
Louis, Count of Blois and Chartres, Reginald of Montmi- 
rail, and Simon de Montfort, # eagerly embraced the holy 
cause, and were afterwards joined by Baldwin, Count of 
Flanders. Having determined upon going to Palestine by 
sea, these chiefs sent deputies to the Doge of Venice, who 
agreed to supply them with transports, provided they paid 
him, before their embarkation, 85,000 marks of silver, for 
the use of the same. He also further agreed to fit out 
fifty galleys at his own expense, upon the condition that 
he received a moiety of their conquests from the infidels. 

* " Father of the Simon de Montfort who, by marrying the sister of the Earl 
of Leicester, succeeded to that title of English nobility." — Mills. 



REVOLT OF ZARA. 83 

This treaty # was concluded ; but previously to the depar- 
ture of the French, Thibaud, Count of Champagne, having 
died, the command of the army was given to Boniface, 
Marquis of Montferrat. 

A. D. 1202. Baldwin, and some others of the chiefs who 
had embarked for the Holy Land from the maritime towns 
of France, having arrived at Venice, the Doge demanded 
the immediate payment of the whole of the sum agreed upon 
for the use of the transports ; but from the circumstance of all 
of them not having been required, this demand could not 
be complied with. It was at length arranged that, if the 
crusaders would assist the Doge in reducing the town of 
Zara, which had revolted from the republic of Venice, he 
would forego the payment of part of the above-mentioned 
sum. 

The Marquis of Montferrat declined engaging in this enter- 
prise ;f but although the Pope forbade it, the majority of the 
crusaders listened to the entreaties of the Doge, and assisted 
him in the siege of Zara, which place soon surrendered at 
discretion. Many of the French, feeling compunction for 
having disobeyed the orders of the Pope, returned to Rome, 
and, with some difficulty, obtained pardon for their offence ; 
the Venetians, however, paid little respect to the occupier of 
Saint Peter's chair. Soon after the submission of the Zara- 
denes, Alexius, the son of Isaac Angelus, the Emperor of 
Constantinople, applied to the Venetians for assistance against 
his uncle, who had dethroned his father, thrown him into 
prison, and deprived him of his sight. The Venetians readily 
espoused the cause of the young prince; and although Pope 
Innocent prohibited the crusaders from intermeddling with 
any other object than that for which they had left Europe, 
the greater part of them set his authority at defiance, and 
united with the Venetians against the usurper of the throne 
of Constantinople. 

* See the treaty in Andrew Dandolo's Chronicle ; Muratori xii., 3 C 23. 
t " He was the only leader on this occasion who respected the Pope's autho- 
rity." — Milk. 

G 2 



84 CAPTURE OF CONSTANTINOPLE. 

A.D. 1203. The allied forces having arrived at their desti- 
nation, endeavoured to prevail upon the inhabitants to declare 
themselves in favour of the young Alexius, but without 
effect. The siege was therefore proceeded with. The walls 
of Constantinople were lined by Varangians and Danes ; but 
notwithstanding the presumed inadequacy of the besieging 
forces, they succeeded in gaining possession of the city. 
They then liberated the aged Isaac, who immediately re- 
assumed the imperial robes. 

At the time the young Alexius solicited the aid of the 
Venetians for the recovery of his father's throne, he pro- 
mised, in the event of success, to pay them a large tribute, 
to aid the crusaders against the infidels. Immediately 
after the taking of Constantinople, he paid part of the pro- 
mised amount, and then made a tour through his territories. 
While Alexius was absent, some Flemish soldiers quarrelled 
with the inhabitants of a populous part of the city, and during 
the fray, a Turkish mosque was set on fire.* The greater part 
of the city was soon in a state of conflagration, and continued 
so for several days. This circumstance gave rise to differ- 
ences between the emperor and the Latins ; and the former 
having imposed heavy taxes upon the people, in order to 
pay the tribute to the Venetians, they also became disaf- 
fected ; and at length the emperor apprized the former of his 
inability to make good the treaty entered into by his son. 
Upon hearing this, the Venetians determined to attempt the 
taking of Constantinople, and this they eventually accom- 
plished. The Emperor Isaac died, soon afterwards, of a 
broken heart, (in consequence of receiving intelligence that 
his son had been strangled,) and Count Baldwin, of Flanders, 
was declared emperor in his stead. Information was sent 
to the Pope of the fall of Constantinople, and his pardon im- 
plored for the opposition that had been made to his authority; 
in order the more effectually to accomplish their purpose, 
the Venetians represented the advantages that would accrue 

* " This fire consumed the whole of the northern part of the city. It first 
destroyed the western quarter." 



THE SIXTH CRUSADE. OJ 

from their having been enabled to introduce the Romish 
formulary into the Greek churches. But the Pope's pardon 
was not easily obtained, as he was extremely incensed at the 
conduct of the French and other nations, that had left for 
the purpose of the proj ected Crusade ; but the Emperor 
Baldwin promising to aid the war against the infidels with 
the Greek troops belonging to his newly-acquired territory, 
the Pope became reconciled.* 

After the fall of Constantinople, Innocent III. renewed his 
exertions in favour of the Crusade ; but Europe was so dis- 
tracted at the time, as to render the attempt almost abortive. 
The inhabitants of the east suffered also from drought and 
famine, and a destructive earthquake had levelled to the 
ground the gorgeous structures of Balbec, and other mag- 
nificent cities. Upon the death of the King of Jerusalem, 
an application had been made to Philip of France to choose a 
sovereign, and John of Brienne was elected. Upon his arrival 
in the Holy Land, the military orders solicited him to agree 
to the further truce which the infidels were desirous of ob- 
taining, but he determined upon recommencing the war.f He 
had, however, brought with him but few followers, and even 
these were, in a short time, so much diminished in number, 
that he was compelled to solicit aid from Europe. The fifth 
Crusade, it has been already stated, ended in the sacking of 
Constantinople, very few of those who left Europe for the 
purpose of prosecuting it having reached the Holy Land. 

Robert de Courgon, an Englishman, the papal legate in 
France, was the preacher of the next Crusade which Inno- 
cent the Third determined upon ; and it is said, that " the 
multitudes of those who assumed the cross upon this occa- 
sion were innumerable, and the voluntary offerings of money 
immense." 

A.D. 1215. Alms were collected throughout England and 
France for the purposes of the war ; a council was also held 

* " When the crusaders captured Constantinople, the commerce of the Black 
Sea was opened to the Venetians." 
t Sanutus, p. 205. 



86 SIEGE OF DAMIETTA. 

in the church of the Lateran, upon which occasion the Pope 
gave a large sum of money for the prosecution of the enter- 
prise, and it was determined that, for three years, the clergy 
should contribute a twentieth part of their income. No cir- 
cumstance was however, so favourable to the cause of this 
Crusade, as that of the Pope promising to visit the Holy Land 
in person. The King of England, during this year, took upon 
himself the cross, though rather for the purpose of obtaining 
the protection of the church of Rome,* than of taking an active 
part in the Crusade. f The King of Hungary and the Dukes 
of Austria and Bavaria warmly espoused the cause of the 
holy war, and proceeded to Palestine, but were subjected to 
many privations, owing to the famine that then existed in the 
east. The King of Hungary soon afterwards determined upon 
quitting the Christian army, which he did, much to his own 
disgrace and to the injury of the cause in which he had been 
engaged. Reinforcements having arrived from Europe, it was 
agreed to lay siege to Damietta, situate on the banks of the 
Nile ; and Matthew Paris says, that at the storming of this 
important place, the Hospitallers, the Templars, and the 
Teutonic Knights, proved a wall of defence to those who 
were compelled to retreat before the infidels. J 

Damietta surrendered at discretion to the Christians, 
who failed to prosecute the advantages which they had 
gained ; by the advice of the Pope's legate they advanced 
into the interior of Egypt, where they suffered severely from 
want of food, and in order to procure supplies, they were 
at length compelled to resign Damietta to the infidels. 
Fresh succours arrived about this time from Europe, the 
English troops being led by the Earls of Chester and Arun- 
del, and William Longspee, Earl of Salisbury, and half- 

* Holinshed, p. 191. Rapin. 

t King John died in 1216, and was buried in Worcester cathedral, where a 
monument was erected to bis memory. See Britton's History of Worcester 
Cathedral. 

t Matt. Paris, ad an. 1119. Gale. Hist, Captionis Damietee, torn, ii., 
p. 447. 






SECOND SIEGE OF DAMIETTA. 87 

brother to Richard the First. The Christians, being apprized 
of the death of Saphadin, and the distracted state into which 
his subjects were thrown by that event, now determined 
upon attempting to regain Damietta. This siege lasted 
sixteen months, during which time the Sultan of Syria 
destroyed the walls of Jerusalem, as a retaliation for the 
incursion of the Christians into Egypt ; and the Sultan of 
Egypt, seeing no probability of saving the town of Damietta, 
entered into a negotiation with the crusaders, offering to give 
up the wood of the true cross, to liberate the Christian pri- 
soners, and after rebuilding the walls of the holy city, to 
deliver it into their hands. The hesitation which arose in the 
minds of the victorious crusaders when this offer was made, 
fully proves how much the character of these expeditions 
against the infidels had altered, since that which was under- 
taken by the brave and pious Godfrey de Bouillon. Now 
that the holy sepulchre and the true cross were freely offered 
to them, they rejected the gift with disdain, and continued 
their hostilities. Damietta was at length taken, and the 
crusaders entering the town, put to death the few miserable 
wretches who had survived the united effects of famine, 
pestilence, and war. The whole town was one mass of 
corruption, the streets being strewn with the bodies of the 
dead and dying ; and before the crusaders could occupy 
the place, they were compelled to have it cleansed by the 
few surviving Moslems. 

The Pope's legate was desirous of continuing the war in 
Egypt; but John de Brienne, King of Jerusalem, opposed 
his wishes, boldly declaring, " that the crusaders had not 
assumed the cross to besiege Thebes, Babylon, and Mem- 
phis, but to obtain possession of the holy city." The legate 
threatened to excommunicate all those who opposed him, 
and proudly rejected a second offer of the infidels to give 
up Jerusalem.* The crusaders now determined upon pro- 
ceeding to Grand Cairo; but having remained inactive for 

- * " The power of the legate was supreme, and the King of Jerusalem returned 
in disgust to Acre." 



88 



REVERSES OF THE CRUSADERS. 



some time, during which the Nile rose to an unusual height, 
the Moslems opened their sluices, inundated the country, 
and destroyed many of the Christian soldiers. It was now 
necessary for the latter to become suppliants ; and having 
arranged terms with the Sultan of Egypt, Damietta was 
given up to him, and the Christians were allowed to enter 
the Holy Land. 

At this period, various complaints were urged against the 
Hospitallers, but they were set aside by the declaration of 
Pope Honorius, # as to the humble character of the knights ; 
Rainaldus indeed draws a most beautiful picture of the 
various duties in which they were engaged : " The Knights 
of Saint John," says he, " are sometimes like Mary in con- 
templation ; sometimes like Martha in action ; and at other 
times they are employed fighting against the infidel Amale- 
kites, the enemies of the cross. "f 

A. D. 1228. The Emperor Frederic, wearied with the 
exactions of the Pope on behalf of the Crusades, proceeded 
to throw out invectives against him ; and in a letter to the 
King of England, referred to the vast sums of money that 
had been raised in that country during King John's reign. 
Having refused to submit to the papal authority, he was ex- 
communicated ; and in order to be revenged, he treated the 
Hospitallers with the greatest cruelty.^ He subsequently 
married the daughter of John de Brienne, and assuming the 
title of King of Jerusalem, departed for Palestine. Frederic 
had promised three different times to redeem the Holy Land, 
and he now appeared on the eve of accomplishing it. When 
he had arrived within the suburbs of Jerusalem, the military 
orders refused to serve under the command of an excommu- 
nicated prince ; but at length, policy prevailed over a sense 
of duty, and they joined his standard ; the emperor, how- 

* Honorius called the Hospitallers " the noblest defenders of Christianity." 

t Rainaldus, torn, xiii., p. 16. 

\ " Such of the Hospitallers and Templars (the firm friends of the Pope) as bad 
estates in the imperial dominions in Italy, were plundered and dispossessed." — 
Mills. 



FREDERIC KING OF JERUSALEM. 89 

ever, soon receiving intelligence that Innocent III. and his 
father-in-law, John de Brienne, were ravaging his imperial 
possessions at home, determined upon returning to Europe, 
and entered into a truce with the infidels, upon condition 
that Jerusalem, and other important places, should be given 
up to the Christians. 

He afterwards repaired to Jerusalem, but the inhabitants 
concealed themselves at his approach, not daring to encourage 
a prince against whom the Pope had hurled his anathemas. 
Frederic, however, boldly took the crown to the church 
of the Holy Sepulchre, and placed it on his own head, as 
King of Jerusalem. It is said that, during his presence, 
" the bells were not rung, the churches were deprived of 
their ornaments, and the dead were interred without religious 
ceremony.' 7 # This treatment on the part of his new subjects 
dejected him, and, together with the knowledge of the dis- 
turbances which had taken place in his European possessions, 
hastened his departure from the Holy Land. 

At the commencement of the reign of Henry III., a legate 
had arrived in England for the purpose of preventing the 
Earl of Chester from leaving the country, as it was thought 
that his absence might be mischievous to the whole realm : 
we have already shown that this request was not attended 
to.f In the year 1224, the Bishop of Winchester being 
desirous of visiting Rome, in order to express his regret 
at not having performed his promise to go to the Holy Land, 
and King Henry refusing to allow him, the Pope despatched 
a bull to England enjoining the latter, by the reverence he 
owed the apostolic chair, not to prevent the bishop from 
performing his pious wishes. J In 1229, Henry received an 
injunction to allow a tenth to be raised throughout his 
dominions towards the relief of the Holy Land. This tenth 
applied to property of every description, including move- 
ables and even growing fruit, — the bishops and richer prelates 

* M. Paris, p. 285. ," Tn England especially, the preachers of the Crusade 
had prospered in their mission." 

t Claus 1, Hen. III., dorso21. $ Prynne's History of Henry ITT. 



90 THE SEVENTH CRUSADE. 

having to pay down ready money on behalf of the poorer 
clergy. The council held for the purpose of listening to 
the solicitation of the Pope's legate, was held at West- 
minster, and the archbishops, bishops, priors, Knights Hos- 
pitallers, and Knights Templars, were summoned to attend 
upon this occasion.* 

The seventh Crusade was now determined upon, at the 
council of Spoletto, and the friars of the Franciscan and 
Dominican orders were directed to apprize the various 
princes of Europe of the wishes of Pope Gregory IX. In 
England, the exactions of his emissaries were so great, as to 
excite universal indignation ; f but owing to the Sultan of 
Aleppo having gained some important advantages over the 
Templars, the necessity of the Crusade became quite appa- 
rent, j The Master of the Hospitallers despatched messen- 
gers to England for recruits from the various commanderies 
of the order; and Matthew Paris says, that the young 
knights set out from the priory at Clerkenwell, " saluting, 
with their capuce in hand, as they passed over London 
Bridge, all those who had assembled to see theni."§ This 
instance of the Hospitallers resolving to avenge the injuries 
sustained by the Templars is particularly deserving of notice, 
inasmuch as it seems to have led for a time to a better 
understanding between the two orders, not only in the east, 
but also in Europe. 

It has been already observed, that a part of the Temple 
church in London was dedicated, in 1185, by Heraclius, 

* Britton and Brayley's Houses of Parliament, p. 35. 

t " A.D. 1237. Pope Gregory IX. issued a bull to Walter, Bishop of Coventry, 
to absolve his beloved daughters, the nuns of the monastery of Conerbury, from 
the observance of the Hospitallers of Jerusalem, whose habit they had taken 
upon them out of simplicity. This was delayed five years by the opposition of 
the Hospitallers, but was eventually arranged." The original bull, together with 
the appeals and proceedings thereon, are among the records in the Tower of 
London. 

$ Speed says, " that the Pope's continual angariations and extortions, under 
colour of the Turkish warres, beggared infinite numbers ahout this time," p. 613. 

§ Matt. Paris, ad an. 1237. 



FRENCH CRUSADERS. 91 

the patriarch of Jerusalem. The building was re-dedicated 
in 1240, (at which time it was finished,) in the presence of 
King Henry III. and many of the nobility, who, after the 
solemnity, partook of a sumptuous repast at the expense of 
the Hospitallers* Fuller quaintly observes, that the Temple 
is now " turned to a better purpose than formerly, being used 
by the students of our municipal law : these new Templars 
defending Christian against Christian, as the old ones did 
Christian against Pagan ! " f " The Hospitallers (says 
Mills) could well afford the succour they offered to the 
Templars having no less than nineteen thousand manors in 
Europe." 

This Crusade was warmly espoused both in France and 
England. In the former country, Thibaud, Count of Cham- 
pagne, Hugh, Duke of Burgundy, Henry, Count of Bar, 
and other nobles, assumed the cross, and with their fol- 
lowers prepared to depart for the Holy Land ; but the Pope, 
from some secret motive, ordered the troops to be disbanded, 
as he would not sanction their proceedings. It was in vain 
they urged that what they had done was in obedience to 
his commands; the legate sent by the pontiff' was so pe- 
remptory in his manner, that he roused the indignation of the 
croises, but, upon the advice of the Emperor Frederic, they 
determined upon treating the matter with perfect indifference, 
and proceeding with the Crusade. This was at least the 
feeling by which many were influenced ; but some of the 
leaders, glad to have the opportunity of being relieved from 
their vow, abandoned the army, and returned home. 

Thibaud, Count of Champagne, and the Duke of Brittany, 
setting the commands of the Pope at defiance, departed for 
the Holy Land ; but, previously to their arrival, the Sultan 
of Egypt had made a descent upon Jerusalem, and over- 
thrown the tower of David. This was accomplished without 
difficulty, owing to the two military orders being again at 

* Clarke's Observations on Round Churches. Britton's Architectural 

Antiquities. 

t Fuller's Holy War, book ii., chap. 40. 



92 ENGLISH CRUSADERS. 

variance with each other; the Hospitallers having entered 
into a treaty with the Sultan of Egypt, and the Templars 
with the Sultan of Damascus. The French had no sooner 
reached the Holy Land, than they encountered the Tur- 
comans, who obtained a complete victory over them, and 
took several of their leaders prisoners. 

Matthew Paris informs us, that the English crusaders 
assembled at Northampton, where they made a vow to go 
direct to the Holy Land ; the Pope was, however, anxious 
" to commute their piety for gold." Simon de Montfort, # 
Earl of Leicester, sold his woods and lands to the Hospi- 
tallers and the canons of Leicester, in order to provide 
the necessaries for the Crusade. William Longspee, the 
son of the Earl of Salisbury, together with Richard, 
Earl of Cornwall,^ and Theodore, the prior of the English 
Hospitallers, set sail from Dover, entered France, and, in 
defiance of the Pope's threats, embarked at Marseilles 
for Acre. Upon their arrival in the east, it was found that 
the Count of Champagne and his companions had left 
Syria ; and that, owing to the impolitic and foolish conduct 
of the military orders, two wars were being carried on during 
the existence of two truces. As Richard approached Jaffa 
with his troops, the Sultan of Egypt offered him terms of 
peace, which were accepted, the greater part of the Holy 
Land being given up to the Christians. In this treaty the 
Templars refused to be included, out of mere enmity to 
the Hospitallers. J 

It is said, that on the return of the English crusaders to 
their native country, " the Knights Hospitallers and Knights 
Templars, on the 3rd of October, 1247, presented King 
Henry III. with a beautiful crystalline vase, containing a 
portion of the blood of our Saviour, that he had shed on the 

* M. Paris, ad an. 1240. 

t Annales Mouast. Burton, p. 292. Chronicon Thomae Wykes. 

X Matthew of Westminster speaks of the dissensions existing at this time 
between the Hospitallers and Templars : " Nee poterant industrial diligentissima 
Comitis Ricardi pacificari," p. 163. 



THE EIGHTH CRUSADE. 93 

cross for the salvation of mankind ; the genuineness of the 
relic being attested by the seals of the patriarch of Jerusalem, 
and the archbishops, bishops, abbots, and other prelates of 
the Holy Land."* 

Fuller observes, that about this time the Hospitallers in 
Palestine were again mown down by the infidels, rendering 
it necessary for their loss to be supplied from the various 
commanderies connected with the order, f These reverses 
arose from an incursion of the Korasmians into the Holy 
Land, where they were desirous of settling ; and their ap- 
pearance instilled such terror in the minds of the Christians, 
that Jerusalem was abandoned ; and, in a subsequent con- 
flict, only sixteen Hospitallers, thirty-three Templars, and 
three Teutonic Knights survived. At length, by the union 
of the Egyptian and Syrian forces, the Korasmians were 
completely routed. During the sacking of Jerusalem by 
these barbarians, the supposed tomb of our Saviour was 
destroyed, together with whatever relics they could obtain. 

Owing to the disputes between the Pope and the sove- 
reigns of Italy, Germany, and England, the former, although 
extremely anxious to promote the cause of another Crusade, 
felt that he possessed but little influence, as he had been 
compelled to take refuge in Lyons from the victorious arms 
of the Emperor Frederic, who had devastated the papal 
dominions, and driven him, as an exile, into the French terri- 
tories. He, however, called a council at Lyons, to consider 
what measures should be taken to arrest the progress of the 
infidels in the east, to which the Emperor Frederic sent 
ambassadors, declaring that he would be submissive to the 
church, and promising to join the Crusade. Innocent IV., 
however, disdained to enter into any terms, and declared 
the emperor guilty of sacrilege and heresy, and then excom- 
municated him; upon hearing which, Frederic placed the 
crown upon his head, and bade defiance to the Pope's 
authority. 

* " Sanguis Christi apud Westmonasterium allatus." — Matt. Westmonast. p. 277. 
t Book iv., chapter 5. 



94 LOUIS IX. AND HENRY III. ASSUME THE CROSS. 

Pope Innocent now published a new Crusade, and Louis IX. 
immediately received the cross, having made a vow to do so 
when suffering from a severe illness. He was joined by his 
three brothers, the Counts of Artois, Poitiers, and Anjou, 
and also by the Duke of Burgundy and many other illus- 
trious nobles. At the church of Saint Denis he received the 
oriflamme from Eudes de Chateauroux, (the Pope's legate,) 
and afterwards embarked with his troops, at Aiguemortes, for 
Cyprus ; upon his arrival there he remained a short time, in 
order to arrange various disputes that had arisen between 
the Hospitallers and the Templars. He then proceeded to 
Egypt, and after a voyage of six weeks arrived at Damietta. 

This eighth Crusade was not less warmly espoused in Eng- 
land than in France. Richard, Earl of Cornwall, brother to 
King Henry III., visited the Pope at Lyons, and obtained 
permission to exact money for the purposes of the Crusade 
from those who had made vows to go to the Holy Land, 
but who felt desirous of being relieved from their observance. 
William Longspee, or Longsword, son of the Earl of Salis- 
bury, also made a similar application to the Pope, which 
was attended with success, and he returned to England in 
order to raise money by the above means. 

King Henry III. also took the cross at this time, at the 
solicitation of the Pope, without having any intention of visit- 
ing the Holy Land. The brave William Longspee, however, 
attended by numerous followers, joined King Louis at Cy- 
prus; and the united forces of England and France left that 
coast for Egypt ; but owing to the dispersion of the fleet by a 
storm, the French arrived at their destination some time before 
the English. # As Louis approached the shores of Damietta, 
he found them lined with the infidels, who, under the conduct 
of the warrior Zakreddin, determined upon preventing the 
landing of his troops. A council was held on board the 
royal vessel, for the purpose of deciding whether it would 

* " The shepherds of France arid England took their journey towards the 
Holy Land, to the number of 30,000 ; but their numbers vanished in a short time." 
— Stow. 



VALOUR OF LOUIS IX. OF FRANCE. 95 

be better to wait the arrival of the remainder of the fleet; 
but the enthusiastic Louis declared his determination to 
disembark. Nothing could restrain his ardour ; he leaped 
from his galley and landed on the sea-shore, followed by 
the bravest of his troops. The heroic valour of the Chris- 
tians dispirited the infidels, who, after a short but obstinate 
engagement, retreated to Damietta ; they were pursued by 
the crusaders, who soon afterwards took possession of the 
place,* which was subsequently allotted to the three military 
orders of Hospitallers, Templars, and Teutonic Knights. 

The Christian army was now reinforced by the arrival of the 
English, and also of the troops under the Count of Poitiers. 
At a council held at Damietta, a difference of opinion existed 
among the barons that attended, some wishing to attempt the 
city of Alexandria, others to advance upon Grand Cairo. 
The King of France being favourable to the last-mentioned 
plan, the troops proceeded to form a causeway over the Ash- 
moun canal ; but the infidels destroyed their military machines 
by Greek fire. Upon this, Robert, Count of Artois, offered to 
effect a passage, accompanied by the knights of two of the 
military orders and the brave William Longspee ; and after 
fording the canal at a shallow part, they landed and drove 
back the infidels to their camp. The masters of the religious 
orders implored the Count of Artois to take up his position 
on the bank of the canal until all the troops had joined 
him ; but he was deaf to their entreaties, and when Longspee 
also urged the propriety of acting in conformity to the advice 
of those, who must necessarily be well acquainted with the 
country and the system of warfare practised by their ene- 
mies, the count, turning to the latter, exclaimed, " Behold 
the cowardice of these longtails !" (the English): to which 
Longspee mildly replied, that he would go so far into dan- 
ger, that the count would not even dare to touch his horse's 
tail. The brave Hospitallers and Templars also declared 
that victory, or an honourable death, should disprove the 
charge of cowardice laid against them. 

* Annales de Marg;aii. 



96 DEATH OF LONGSPEE. 

The troops now attacked Mussoura, but had scarcely ob- 
tained possession of the place, when they were besieged by 
the Tartars and Mamelukes. All communication with the 
royal troops was cut off, and the Count of Artois, together 
with nearly the whole of those who had followed him, fell 
martyrs to his rashness and folly. Of the military orders, 
only three Templars, four Hospitallers, and three Teutonic 
Knights survived. " The brave Longspee, supported by a 
few knights, and surrounded by a host of infidels, could 
procure by his valour nothing but an honourable death. His 
right foot at first was cut off; sustained by Richard de As- 
calon, he still fought on, and a Saracen, with his sabre, 
having disabled his right arm, he grasped his sword with his 
left hand, until that also was severed from his body. Thus 
he fell, # together with Richard de Ascalon and his banner- 
bearer, the latter disdaining to survive their brave master. "f 

King Louis, hearing of this defeat, ordered the troops to 
ford the river, in order that he might prevent the total rout 
of the Christians. The Master of the Hospitallers had been 
taken prisoner, and the Master of the Templars was very 
severely wounded ; but Louis did not allow the serious losses 
he had sustained to check his ardour. An engagement soon 
took place between the Christians and the Egyptians, and 
so obstinately did the soldiers of each army fight, that the 
result of the battle was undecisive. Louis afterwards at- 
tempted to retreat to Damietta, but the enemy having cut 
off all communication between that place and the Christian 
camp, famine and disease soon effected the most dreadful 
ravages in the latter. Louis now proposed to enter into a 

* In Salisbury cathedral " there is an effigy of a knight, or warrior, clad in 
chain armour from head to foot, with a surcoat, a long shield, his right hand 
resting on the hilt of a broad sword, and his legs crossed, with the figure of a 
lion at his feet. This is supposed to represent the figure of William Longspee, 
eldest son of the Earl of Salisbury, of that name, whose heroic adventures are 
related by Matthew Paris, and other historians. He was slain near Cairo, in 
Egypt, in 1250." See Britton's Salisbury Cathedral, p. 89, which work contains 
a representation of the effigy. 

t Stothard's Monumental Effigies. 



KINO OF FRANCE TAKEN PRISONER. 97 

treaty of peace with the infidels; but the Sultan of Egypt 
refused to come to any terms, unless the king himself were 
given up as a hostage. To this the Christians would not 
consent, and hostilities were therefore renewed. The troops 
of the sultan entered the camp of the Christians during 
their temporary absence, murdered the sick, and eventually 
succeeded in overpowering those that flew to the rescue of 
their unfortunate countrymen. Among the chiefs who either 
fell in this battle, or were taken prisoners, were King Louis ; 
Alphonsus, Count of Poitiers; Charles, Count of Anjou; 
Ralph de Cuscy ; Hugh, Earl of Flanders ; Hugh Brun, 
Earl of Marche ; Robert de Vere ; all the Knights Templars, 
except three ; and all the Knights Hospitallers, except four. 
The news of the King of France's imprisonment soon reached 
Europe, and excited the liveliest commiseration. His liberty 
was, however, obtained upon the payment of 800,000 besants, 
the greater part of which sum was raised by the Hospitallers 
and Templars in Europe.* Louis, after his liberation, re- 
mained some time in the east, in order to repair the fortifi- 
cation of those towns in Palestine which the Christians still 
retained ; but his return to France was rendered necessary 
by the decease of Queen Blanche, his mother. 

1252. Henry the Third now affected to have serious in- 
tentions of forming another Crusade, and for this purpose 
applied to his barons for the necessary subsidies. They, 
indeed, felt convinced that his professions were not sincere ; 
nevertheless, a tenth of the revenues of the clergy for three 
years was given up, and the barons themselves gave three 
marks out of every knight's fee held immediately under the 
crown. The money thus raised was partly applied to mak- 
ing preparation for a war with France ; and the king soon 
afterwards visited the continent, and lavishly squandered 
away the remainder ; so that when it became actually neces- 

* " Postquam pecuniae praetentatas quantitatem, quam mutuo receperat a Tem- 
plariis et Hospitalariis, Januensibus et Pisanis penitus reacceptis obsidibus, 
persolvisset." — Matt. Paris, p. 799. 



J 



98 WEALTH OF THE HOSPITALLERS. 

sary to commence hostilities, he was obliged, for want of 
means to pay his troops, to retreat ingloriously to England. 
A statement of his expenditure being afterwards laid before 
him, he remarked, " Say no more of it ; the very relation is 
enough to make men stand amazed.'' 

But although this prince trifled with his people, he could 
not do so with the Pope, who was not to be diverted from 
his purpose of prosecuting the holy war ; and in order that 
he might not be again deprived of the money raised by the 
English, he published a fresh bull, ordering it to be placed in 
safer custody than in the hands of King Henry. Fresh taxes 
were imposed upon the people, in order to meet this demand ; 
and the Jews were compelled to give up immense sums for 
the prosecution of the war. In fact, their personal safety 
entirely depended upon their ready compliance with the de- 
mands made upon them. 

The wealth and power of the Hospitallers in England had 
now increased to an amazing extent ; and one of their char- 
ters having been infringed by the king, the prior of Clerk - 
enwell had an interview with him, and complained, in 
no very measured terms, of the injury the order had sus- 
tained at his hands. He, at the same time, exhibited the 
various charters granted to the order by his predecessors. 
Henry, being thus taunted, said, with an oath, " You reli- 
ligionists, (but especially the Hospitallers and Templars,) 
enjoy too many liberties and charters, and are thereby ren- 
dered proud and half-witted. I have prudently revoked those 
which were imprudently granted ; and," added he, " the 
Pope has frequently placed restraints upon you, without 
your daring to complain. I, in like manner, will infringe your 
privileges at my pleasure, and deprive you of those charters 
which my predecessors have foolishly given you." To this, 
the prior of the Hospitallers remarked, " As long as you 
observe justice, you are indeed a king ; but when you disre- 
gard it, you are no longer entitled to the name." Upon this 
remark being made, Henry hastily retorted, " You English 



THE TEMPLARS MENACED. 99 

are desirous of hurling me from my throne, as you did my 
father* from his; and having done so, to slay me." 

The first attempt to suppress the military orders was made 
during this reign, f The duties of the Templars being of a 
more military character than those of the Hospitallers, it was 
considered that the former might be dispensed with ; especi- 
ally as the contests between the two orders had long proved 
their co-existence to be incompatible with the security of the 
Christian cause. The similarity of their duties rendered it 
impossible, at all times, to prevent collision ; and during the 
intervals between the Crusades, a generous emulation fre- 
quently gave way to a spirit of envy and detraction ; for, as 
Fuller justly remarks, " Active men, like millstones in mo- 
tion, if they have no other grist to grind, will set fire to one 
another:" neither the Templars nor the Hospitallers were, 
however, finally suppressed until some years later. 

* According to the Chronicle of St. Albans, King John was poisoned by a 
monk, who gave him " toad's venom in ale " to drink. See Appendix R. 

t Morant's Essex, vol. ii., p. 113. 



LcfC. 

H 2 



100 



THK NINTH CRUSADE. 



CHAPTER VI. 



w 



D. 1267. HENRY III. 

§)Ht£f^<&2K$if?^ the military orders 
had suffered so severely during the 
late Crusade, Louis IX. had scarcely 
left Palestine, before their mutual 
feelings of hatred were revived. The 
Sultan Bibars took advantage of these 
dissensions, and it was not until 
Joppa, Carac, and Antioch, had 
fallen into his hands, that the Christians saw the im- 
minent danger in which they were placed by their own 
folly and inertness. Application was then made to 
Europe, and Louis, who had never laid down the cross, 
determined upon attempting another Crusade ; and 
Prince Edward, eldest son of the King of England, 
his brother Edmund Crouchback, # Earl of Lancaster, and 
the kings of Sicily, Naples, Arragon, and Portugal, united 
with him in the enterprise, together with many English and 
Scottish knights. The Pope's legate, at a parliament held 
by King Henry III. at Northampton, used the most pow- 
erful arguments in order to show the necessity that existed 
for a new Crusade, and his representations had such effect, 
that the prelates and clergy of England agreed to give up a 
tenth of their revenues for three years. Prince Edward, at 

* Chronica Walteri Hemingford, p. 459. (Gale.) The monument of Edmund 
Crouchhack is in Westminster Abhey. 




DEATH OF LOUIS. 101 

the same time, obtained a loan of 30,000 marks from Louis, 
upon mortgaging the province of Aquitaine. # 

The French monarch embarked for the Holy Land early 
in the year 1 270, but the fleet was driven on the shores of 
Sardinia ; and owing to this circumstance, a different direc- 
tion was given to the arms of the crusaders. Instead of 
proceeding direct to the Holy Land, Louis was prevailed 
upon to attempt the subjugation of the infidels in Africa. 
He landed with his troops at Tunis, and Carthage soon 
yielded to his victorious arms ; but in the midst of these suc- 
cesses, a pestilential disease spread its ravages through 
the camp, and the French monarch was one of its earliest 
victims. 

Prince Edward, accompanied by his brother Edmund 
Crouchback, Earl of Lancaster, left England and pro- 
ceeded to the Holy Land with a comparatively small force, 
as the domestic afflictions of the young French monarch, 
Philip, were too severe to allow of his joining them. The 
whole of the English forces are said to have amounted to 
about seven thousand men, and the Hospitallers and Templars 
having united with them, they proceeded to Nazareth, where 
they effected some partial successes over the sultan's troops. 
At Jaffa, Edward was seized with sickness, and while extended 
on his couch in his tent, an infidel, pretending to be the bearer 
of an important communication, demanded an introduction, 
which was immediately granted. After conversing for some 
time upon the subject of his pretended mission, he drew a 
poisoned dagger from his belt, and stabbed the prince ; but 
Edward springing up, succeeded in throwing the assassin 
to the ground, when he immediately dispatched him. " It 
is storied," says Fuller, " how Eleanor, his wife, sucked all 
the poison out of the prince's wound without doing any 
harm to herself : so sovereign a remedy is a woman's tongue, 
anointed with the virtue of loving affection ! ! Pity it is 
that so pretty a story should not be true, (with all the mira- 

* Annales de Margan. Speed's Chronicles, p. 641. 



102 



RETURN OF PRINCE EDWARD. 



cles in love's legends) ; and sure, he shall get himself no 
credit, who undertaketh to confute a passage so sounding to 
the honour of the sex. Yet it cannot stand with what others 
have written/'* 

The prince, while suffering from the effects of the wound 
which he had received, and in the prospect of almost imme- 
diate death, made his will, which was witnessed by the Mas- 
ters of the Hospitallers and Templars, as will appear by the 
following extract, with which it concludes : — " In testimony 
of which we have set our seal to this will, having requested 
John, Archbishop of Sur and Vicar of the Holy Church of 
Jerusalem, and the Honourable Fathers Frere Hugh Revel, 
Master of the Hospital, and Frere Thomas Berard, Master 
of the Temple, likewise to place their seals : in witness 
thereof, &c. Dated at Acre, Saturday, the 18th June, in the 
55th yeere of the regne of the king, our father."f The prince, 
after his recovery, being convinced of the inadequacy of his 
forces to effect any important victories, gladly consented to 
a truce, which was demanded by the Moslems ; and upon 
the earnest solicitation of his father, Henry III., returned to 
Europe, but did not reach England until his decease. 

The cause of the Crusade had, by this time, evidently 
declined, and it was in vain that Pope Gregory urged upon 
the princes of the west the necessity of a fresh one ; his 
appeal excited some little attention, but his death ensuing 
soon afterwards, the matter was treated with cold indiffer- 
ence. Prynne says, that previously to his death, the Pope 
sent letters to King Edward the First, of England, to obtain 
the tenths which were due from the English for the prose- 
cution of the Crusades ; and having obtained them, he placed 
the whole in his own coffers, instead of transmitting them to 
their proper destination. j 

It may not be uninteresting to the historical reader, to be 
made acquainted with a few incidents which occurred in 

* Fuller's Holy War, hook iv., ch. 29. Stow's Annals, p. 168. 

t Nicholas's Testamenta Vetusta. $ Prynne's Hist, of Edward, p. 1. 



DECLINE OF THE PAPAL AUTHORITY. 103 

England at this period, in connexion with the Crusades, as 
it will show how much the papal authority had declined in 
this, as well as in other European states. 

A. D. 1275. The prior of the Hospital of St. John, in 
Ireland, being commanded by King Edward I., during this 
year, to repair to Ireland, refused to go, because he had been 
directed by his superior to visit the Holy Land ; upon which 
the king threatened to confiscate all the property of the 
house, unless he complied with his commands.* In 1276, 
a person who had been a benefactor to the Hospitallers, 
was hanged for some offence against the state ; and as it 
was one of the privileges of the order to inter all those who 
had contributed to its funds, the servants of the Hospitallers 
proceeded to remove the body, after it had been cut down 
by the executioner; but as they were conveying it to the 
priory, signs of animation were observed, and the culprit at 
length recovered, and was secreted in the priory. The offi- 
cers of the crown claimed him as their prisoner, but the Hos- 
pitallers refusing to deliver him up, all those who had been 
immediately engaged in the transaction were imprisoned 
by order of the king, and in defiance of the pope's au- 
thority. 

i Gregoiy IX. was in Palestine at the time he was elected 
to the apostolical chair, and being intimately acquainted 
with the situation of the Christians in the east, it cannot 
excite surprise to find that immediately after his return to 
Europe, a strenuous endeavour was made by him in favour 
of a new Crusade. We have already noticed that the death 
of Gregory put an end to all these proceedings, and that the 
princes who had espoused the holy cause were glad to have 
an excuse to relieve themselves from their vows. Various 
European princes, at this period, claimed the title of King of 
Jerusalem ; " no fewer, indeed, (says Fuller,) than the Vene- 
tians, Genoese, Pisans, Florentines, the Kings of Cyprus and 
Sicily, the agents of the Kings of France and England, the 

* Pat. 3 Ed w. I.,m. \7. 



104 INDIFFERENCE TO THE CRUSADES. 

Princes of Tripoli and Antioch, the Patriarch of Jerusalem, 
the Masters of the Hospitallers and Templars, and the Le- 
gate of his Holiness ; all at once contending about the right 
of nothing, like bees, making the greatest humming and 
buzzing in the hive when now ready to leave it." # 

After the death of the sultan with whom Prince Edward 
of England had concluded the truce, his successor, Kelaoun, 
recommenced the war, and Margat and Tripoli fell into his 
hands, although the religious-military orders evinced the 
most heroic courage and determination. After having gained 
these successes, he marched on towards Acre ; but before he 
had time to besiege it, the Christians induced him to sign a 
truce. This, however, was soon broken by the legate of the 
Pope, and no subsequent efforts on the part of the Christians 
could induce the sultan to forego his original design of 
making himself master of Palestine. During the tempo- 
rary cessation of hostilities, the Grand-Master of the Hospi- 
tallers (deeply affected at the reverses the Christians had 
sustained) visited Europe, and entreated the Pope to promote 
the holy cause. But Nicholas IV. heard with comparative 
indifference of the increasing power of the infidels, and de- 
clined furnishing any pecuniary aid from his own coffers : he, 
however, authorized the immediate embarkation of about 
1 500 men, composed of the refuse of society. The appeal of 
the grand-master to the reigning princes of Europe was 
attended with no greater success, as the interest previously 
felt in the holy cause had considerably declined, owing to 
the slight prospect that presented itself of any permanent 
advantages being obtained over the infidels. The Grand- 
Master of the Hospitallers died soon after his return to 
Palestine. 

But although the Pope was unwilling to afford his per- 
sonal assistance in favour of a new Crusade, he did not fail 
to write in a most touching strain to the different sovereigns 
of Europe. One of his predecessors (Martin IV.) had made 

* Holy War, book iv., ch. 32. 



KING EDWARD ASSUMES THE CROSS. J 05 

repeated applications to the King of England, as will appeal 
by the following. 

In 1280, two friars were sent into England, for the pur- 
pose of exporting the six years' tenths that had been col- 
lected, # pursuant to the decree of the council of Lyons, for 
the aid of the Holy Land. So little did the king dread the 
Pope's authority, that upon hearing of the object of these 
two friars, he issued an edict prohibiting all merchants, 
under pain of death and confiscation of property, from assist- 
ing in this matter ; declaring, at the same time, his intention 
of reserving the money that had been raised, either for his 
own use, or to fit out his brother's (Edmund Crouchback) 
expedition to the Holy Land ; and stating the reasons which 
induced him to decline going in person. The king after- 
wards gave orders for the payment of the arrears of these 
tenths, and obtained an acquittance of the same from Pope 
Martin, who again pressed him to go to the Holy Land, 
" for the glory of God and his own honour." In consequence 
of these solicitations, the king subsequently received the 
cross, and would have joined in the intended crusade, had 
he not been prevented by his wars with France, Wales, and 
Scotland, f 

A.D. 1291. The Christians that had retreated to Acre after 
the fall of Tripoli, (consisting of various nations,) having shut 
themselves up within the city, were attacked by a formidable 
body of Mamelukes. Henry II., King of Cyprus, arrived at 
Acre a short time previously with a small reinforcement ; but 
as he was by no means distinguished for valour, the Master of 
the Templars was unanimously elected governor of the place. 
The sultan endeavoured to prevail upon this brave warrior to 
give up the city, upon condition that he should receive an 
immense sum of money ; but the offer was indignantly re- 
jected, and the most active preparations were made for 
receiving the assailants. 

* Claus. Rot., 10 E. I., m. 4. (Intus de decima extra regnum non defereiida.) 
-J- Piynne, p. 375. 



106 KINGDOM OF JERUSALEM LOST. 

The infidels, although suffering severely from frequent 
sallies of the Christians, continued to undermine the walls. 
Tower after tower fell beneath the effect of their military 
engines ; and when " the Cursed Tower M was levelled 
with the ground, the Christians, gaining courage from their 
desperate situation, succeeded in driving back their enemies, 
who were attempting to carry the place by storm, and the 
approach of night put an end, for a few hours, to the as- 
sault. The King of Cyprus, whose followers had fought with 
the greatest bravery, having prevailed upon the Teutonic 
Knights to occupy his post, pusillanimously abandoned the 
army, retreated to the sea shore, and returned to his kingdom. 

At day-break the infidels renewed the assault, and the 
Teutonic Knights, unable to resist the formidable body 
opposed to them, fell victims to their bravery, and the 
former immediately took possession of the place. The Mas- 
ter of the Hospitallers, unwilling to give up all for lost, 
rushed out of the city with a few followers, and attacked 
the enemy's camp ; but here he met with a severe repulse, 
and the mournful news having been conveyed to him of 
the death of the Master of the Templars, and of almost 
the whole of those attached to the military orders, he 
hastened to the sea shore, and with six others of his own 
order left Palestine. A few Templars retreated into the in- 
terior of the country ; but being unable to obtain any advan- 
tage over the infidels, or even to secure their own lives 
upon honourable terms, they at length determined upon em- 
barking for Europe, and from the time of their departure, 
the kingdom of Jerusalem ceased to exist. 




THE HOSPITALLERS RETIRE TO CYPRUS. 107 

A. D. 1288. Although the military orders had been com- 
pelled to leave the Holy Land, the brave Hospitallers were 
not willing to give up all hopes of regaining possession of 
it. The grand-master having fled to the island of Cyprus, 
soon communicated to the various establishments connected 
with the order, the loss which the Christian world had 
sustained, and the Knights of Saint John rallied around 
their superior from every commandery in Europe. Pope 
Nicholas IV. issued bulls for a fresh Crusade, and the King 
of England had a tenth of all ecclesiastical goods of religious 
persons granted to him (excepting those of the Hospitallers 
and Templars) for six years, towards the recovery of the 
Holy Land ; upon which occasion a tax was levied through- 
out England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales.* The king acted 
in full compliance with the papal bull directed to him, and 
caused a strict search to be made in the various monasteries 
throughout the realm for money, and ordered all that was 
found to be conveyed to London.f Notwithstanding similar 
subsidies for the intended Crusade were raised in other parts 
of Europe, the interest in these enterprises and the hope of 
success had so far declined, that the people no longer re- 
sponded to the calls of the Pope as they had previously 
done. 

Although the Knights Hospitallers had taken refuge in 
the island of Cyprus, they remained there but a short time, 
owing to the ill-treatment they received from the king. 
Having retired to Italy, and succeeded in gaining the friend- 
ship of the Pope, they proposed settling definitively in one 
of the islands of the Mediterranean, thereby hoping to be 
able to avail themselves of any opportunity that might occur 
of regaining possession of the Holy Land. A large army 
was accordingly levied, and transports having been provided, 
these brave warriors set sail from Brundisium, and having 
effected a landing at Rhodes, after a severe conflict with 
the inhabitants, took possession of the island. 

After the institution of the Knights Templars had existed 

* Stow's Annals, p» 205. t Chronicon Thomae Wykes. 



108 SUPPRESSION OF THE TEMPLARS. 

for more than two centuries,* a second attempt was made to 
suppress it. Crimes of the darkest hue were urged against the 
knights, who were imprisoned throughout Europe, and their 
estates confiscated, Pope Clement V. readily listening to the 
charges urged against them.f 

On February 27, 1307, an order was issued in council by 
Edward II. of England, for the suppression of the order of 
the Templars 4 This was followed by a circular to the 
sheriffs of England, Scotland, Ireland, and Wales, and in 
the years 1310-11, councils were held at York and other 
places, when the total abolition of the order was determined 
upon.^ By a papal bull, dated May 2, 1312, the whole of 
the possessions of the Templars throughout Europe were 
transferred to the Hospitallers, || which, as far as regarded 
England, was carried into effect by the king:^[ and, in 1313, 
a grant was made to the Grand-Master of the Hospitallers 
of Saint John of Jerusalem, " of all the houses, churches, 
manors, lands, rents, or other possessions whatsoever in the 
kingdom, that had formerly belonged to the Templars, 
together with all standing corn." ## The Hospitallers expe- 
rienced some difficulty in obtaining possession of their newly 
acquired property, in consequence of which various papal 
bulls were issued, in order to compel the Templars and their 
tenants to obedience. It is said to have been owing to the 
high estimation in which the Hospitallers were held at the 
time, that the property of the Templars was transferred to 
them ; their claims were, however, strongly contested in the 
English parliament. 

* Tanner's Not. Mon. xv. 

t Morant's Essex, vol. ii., p. 113. Platina in Vita Clementi V. 

$ Rymer, vol. i., p. 39. $ Nichols's Leicestershire, p. 949. 

|| " Deleto itaque prsefato ordine (Frat. Milit. Tempi.) fratres Hospitalis Sancti 
Johannis possessiones eorum pro majori parte adepti, usque in praesentem diem 
occuperint." — Hist. Anglic. Script., p. 1729. 

f Pat. 17 Edw. IE Walsinghamin Edw. II., p. 9. Contin. Gul. de 

Nangis. Dugdale's Monasticon, (new edition,) vol. 6, part iii., p. 849. 

** Rymer, vol. iii., p. 451. 



SUPPRESSION OF THE TEMPLARS. 109 

Dugdale, in his Monasticon, gives a copy of one of the deeds 
of accusation against the Knights Templars, in which they 
are charged with the foulest crimes. He has elsewhere # 
referred to another manuscript, from the contents of which it 
would appear that, among other things, they were charged 
with having treacherously gone over to the side of the in- 
fidels during an engagement, and completely routed and de- 
stroyed the Christian army, to which they had previously 
been attached. 

Whatever may have been the crimes actually committed 
by the Templars, " it was as far from charity as sound logic, 
from the induction of some particular delinquents, to infer 
the guiltiness of the whole body."f It is, however, quite 
clear, that the sovereigns of Europe were influenced by 
interested motives, in wishing the suppression of the order ; 
and the conduct of Edward II. of England was highly cen- 
surable, as he carried into execution the decrees of the Pope, 
although secretly acknowledging his firm belief of the inno- 
cency of the Templars of many of the charges laid against 
them. J 

The appropriation of the revenues of the Templars to the 
purposes of the military friars of Saint John, was by no 
means pleasing to Philip V. of France,^ who concealed the 
most interested motives under the semblance of anxiety to 
uphold religion. 

The Knights Hospitallers were not, however, long per- 
mitted to remain in the quiet enjoyment of their pos- 
sessions; indeed, it must be acknowledged, that their 
increasing power and influence made them " unlace them- 
selves from the strictness of their first institution, and ren- 
dered them loose and licentious. " At the commencement of 
the reign of Edward III., (1327,) Richard de Everton was 
appointed as visitor to the various establishments in England 
belonging to the order, for the purpose of repressing the 

* History of Warwickshire, vol. ii. t Fuller. 

t See Appendix S. § Arcbaeologia, vol. ix., p. 129. 



110 MISCONDUCT OF THE HOSPITALLERS. 

religious intolerance of the knights, and of enforcing the 
better observance of their spiritual duties. # Objections 
were also urged against them on the continent, and pro- 
positions were made to Pope Benedict XI. to form a new 
military order, and to grant to the knights belonging to 
the same, the funds transferred to the Hospitallers at the 
suppression of the Templars. To this, however, he would 
not accede, but his successor, Pope Clement VI., after having 
ascertained the truth of many of the accusations urged 
against the Hospitallers, wrote a letter to them, which had 
the effect of inducing a great reformation of manners in the 
order. 

About this time, a nuncio was despatched by the Pope to 
the King of England, requesting him to assist in another Cru- 
sade against the infidels ; but the real object of this appli- 
cation was merely to divert the attention of the English 
monarch from the wars in Scotland, towards the carrying on 
of which, the Hospitallers had granted a sum of money, 
upon condition that it should not be considered as a prece- 
dent upon future occasions.f 

Although the sovereigns of Europe were unwilling to assist 
in renewing the holy war, the subject continued to excite 
great interest ; in proof of which it may be noticed, that the 
following " intermeat " was introduced at a dinner given by 

* " Rex constituit Ricardum de Everton visitatorem Hospitalis Sancti Johannis 
Jerusalem in Anglia/ad reprimendam religiosam insolentiam et ad observandam 
religiosam hoDestatem." — Pat. 45 Edw. III., p. 1., m. 3 vel 4. 

t " A nostre Seigneur le roy et a son conseill prie le priour de Hospitall St. 
Johan de Jerusalem en Angleterre qe come to tesles terres et tenementz del 
dit Hospitall et du Temple en Angleterre soient doneez en pure et perpetuele 
asmoigne et en defeuse de la terre seinte, le dit priour a la request del dit nostre 
Seigneur le roy a son parlement de Nottingham granta en aide de la guerre en 
Escoce x hommes d'armes ya demorer un quarter de Tan a les despenses et 
coustages de dit priour, lesqueux demorerent la pres de troys quarter de l'an a 
les coustages mesmes celui priour. Pleise a nostre dit Seigneur le roy et a son 
couseil granter lettre dessuz son grant seal au dit priour, qe eel grant de gentz 
d'armes a cette foiz fet ue lui tourne en custume el temps avenir." — To which the 
following answer was returned : — " II demande reson et par ceo est accordez per 
les counseill q'il eit ceo q'il prie." — Rolls of Parliament, vol. ii., p. 100. 



WAT TYLER DESTROYS CLERKENWELL PRIORY. Ill 

Charles V. of France to the Emperor Charles IV., in the 
year 1378 : — " A ship, with masts and rigging, was seen first; 
she had for her colours the arms of the city of Jerusalem. 
Godfrey de Bouillon appeared upon deck, accompanied by 
several knights, armed cap a pied; the ship advanced into 
the middle of the hall, without the machine which moved it 
being perceptible ; the city of Jerusalem appeared, with all 
its towers lined with Saracens. The ship approached the 
city, the Christians landed, and began the assault ; the bar- 
barians made a good defence, but at length the city was 
taken." * 

In the year 1381, the English Hospitallers sustained a 
very severe loss, by the destruction of their chief priory by 
fire, during the insurrection of Wat Tyler. " This building, 
in its widely varied decorations, both internally and exter- 
nally, is said to have contained specimens of the arts both 
of Europe and Asia, together with a collection of books and 
rarities, the loss of which, in a less turbulent age, would have 
been a theme for national lamentation." f Wat Tyler and 
his men, after having set fire to the priory at Clerkenwell, 
which burned for eight days, until nearly the whole of the 
buildings belonging to the Hospitallers were destroyed, out 
of mere hatred to the religious orders, sent some of the rebels 
to the manors of the Hospitallers at Highbury, and other 
places, giving orders that every thing of value should be 
utterly destroyed. J 

A.D. 1383. It appears, that in this year, the then prior 
of the hospital of Saint John swore fealty to King Richard 
II., and at the same time enjoined the king not to allow his 
obedience and loyalty to prejudice the ancient privileges of 
the order to which he belonged. § 

* Rapin. — Richard II. 

t Cromwell's History of Clerkenwell, p. 123. % Stow. 

§ Memorandum quod Frater Johannes de Radyngton Prior Hospitalis Sancti 
Johanuis Jerusalem in Anglia vicesimo tertio die Septemhris anno praesente 
apud mansum fratrum praedicatorum London, fecit fidelitatem suam Domino 
Regi debitam coram dicto Domino Rege, ibidem tunc existente sub hac forma ; 
Jeo sera foial et foie et loialtie portera a nostre Seigneur le Roi Richard et a ses 



112 THE POPE AND ANTIPOFE. 

Europe was much distracted at this time by dissensions 
between the Popes Urban and Clement, and a crusade was 
published by the former in a bull, " which granted the same 
indulgences to all that were willing to engage in this under- 
taking against Clement, as to those who bore arms against 
the infidels." The effect produced in England by the pub- 
lication of the Crusade, answered Urban's wishes. The 
Bishop of Norwich was appointed general, and the nobles, 
gentry, people, and clergy, engaged in it with the same 
ardour as if they had been to wage war with the ene- 
mies of the Christian name. The English parliament 
not only approved of the Crusade published by Urban, 
but also granted to the Bishop of Norwich a considerable 
subsidy. " # 

The limits of the present work not admitting of more than 
a mere sketch of the Crusades, we shall refrain from enter- 
ing into the details of the various misfortunes that attended 
the Hospitallers after their expulsion from the Holy Land, 
until the dissolution of their religious houses in England. 
It may not, however, be uninteresting to the reader, to be 
furnished with proofs of the interest which the monarchs 
of England still took in the cause of the Crusades. 

Froissart observes, that " a feest and justes were made 
by the King of England (Richard II.) in London, whyle 
the Christian knyghtes were at the siege, before the towne 
of Afryke, against the Saracens." f Shortly after this, 
the French and Hungarians besieged Nicopolis, and the 
sultan's troops met with so many reverses, that their leader 
applied to the Saracens for assistance. 

heirs rois D'Engletterre de vie de membre et de terrein honour a vivre et morir 
contre toutz gentz et diligimment seray entendant, as besoignes nostre Seigneur le 
Roy solonc mon sen et poiour et le conseil nostre Seigneur le Roy celera et a lui et 
a ses maundemantz en quantque a moi attient sera obeissant si Dieu moi eide 
et ses seintz. Proestestando quod hoc non cederet in prcejudicium Hospitalis 
pnedicti temporibus futuris." (Claus. 6 R. 2., pars i., m. 29. dorso.) 

* Rapin. — Richard IT. 
t Froissart's Chronicles, by Lord Berners, p. 173. 



DEATH OF HENRY IV. 113 

A. D. 1413. King Henry IV. frequently declared his 
intention to prosecute the Crusades, in order to divert the 
minds of his subjects, — 

" Lest rest and lying still, should make them look 
Too near into his state." — Shakspeare. 

It had been predicted that he would die at Jerusalem ; and 
it is a singular circumstance that, as his last moments ap- 
proached, he was removed to the Jerusalem chamber in the 
house of the Abbot of Westminster, and that upon recovering 
from a swoon and inquiring where he was, he was told in 
the apartment called Jerusalem.* This incident is alluded 
to by our immortal bard : — 

King Henry. Where is my lord of Warwick 1 

Prince Henry. My lord of Warwick ! 

King Henry. Doth any name particular belong 

Unto the lodging, where I first did swoon ? 
Warwick. 'Tis called Jerusalem, my noble lord. 

King Henry. Laud be to God ! — even there my life must end. 

It hath been prophesied these many years, 

I should not die but in Jerusalem ; 

Which vainly T suppos'd the Holy Land : — 

But, bear me to that chamber ; there I'll lie ; 

In that Jerusalem shall Harry die." — Henry IV. 2nd Part. 

Fuller quaintly observes, that " Henry, in the sunshine 
evening of his life, (after a stormy day,) was disposed to 
walk abroad and take some foreign air. He pitched his 
thoughts upon the holy war for to go to Jerusalem, but was 
fain to sing his " nunc dimittis " before he expected, and 
died in a chamber called Jerusalem, at Westminster." f 

A. D. 1420. Henry V. was too much engrossed with his 
own affairs in England and France to engage in the holy war, 
although such an enterprise was well suited to his martial 
character : indeed, on his death-bed, he declared it to have 
been his intention to undertake a crusade against the infidels. 
Being told by his physicians that his last hour was ap- 

* Holinshed's Chronicles, vol. ii., p. 541. Rapin. — Henry IV. 

t Holy War, book v., chap. 26. 

J 



114 THE EGYPTIANS ATTACK RHODES. 

proaching, he requested his chaplain to read the penitential 
Psalms. When he came to the words, " Build thou the walls 
of Jerusalem/' Henry interrupted him, saying, " Upon the 
word of a dying prince, after having settled a firm peace 
with France, I really intended to wage a war against the 
infidels, for the recovery of Jerusalem out of their hands." 
Having said this, he expired. It is remarkable, that two 
succeeding monarchs, father and son, should in their last 
moments have had their thoughts directed to the subject of 
the Crusades. 

In the year 1428, various useful regulations were made by 
the Master of the Hospitallers at Rhodes, for maintaining a 
more exact military discipline. But the cause to which these 
brave knights had devoted their lives, now excited but little 
interest in Europe. Crusades against the infidels were no 
longer undertaken ; the arms of the faithful being rather 
turned against those whom the Pope wished to subj ugate to 
obedience. In 1429, the sovereign pontiff issued a bull, ap- 
pointing the Cardinal of Winchester general of the Crusade 
against the Bohemian heretics, his object being, as Rapin 
observes, to weaken England by draining the kingdom of 
men and money. A petition was presented by the cardinal 
to the English parliament, which was afterwards examined 
in council, and its prayer granted : an order being given for a 
levy of five thousand lances and five thousand archers. In 
1453, the war with France ended, after having lasted no less 
than thirty-eight years ; but no sooner had these foreign 
quarrels ceased, than England suffered from the disputes 
between the houses of York and Lancaster. The attention 
of the English was necessarily drawn off from the cause of 
the holy wars, and the brave Knights of Rhodes were left 
as the only parties who were willing to make any sacrifice 
in order to regain possession of Palestine. 

A.D. 1444. The Egyptians landed eighteen hundred men 
on the island of Rhodes ; but after a siege of forty days, they 
were compelled to re-embark their troops. Ten years after- 
wards, Mahomed II. vowed that he would utterly destroy 



SIEGE OF BELGRADE. 115 

the order of the Knights Hospitallers ; but his attention was 
called off for a time, by affairs more deeply affecting his per- 
sonal interests. Various sovereigns of Europe having united 
together for the defence of Hungary, Mahomed besieged 
Belgrade ; and it is said that the Christians and Moslems 
never displayed more extraordinary valour, or more deadly 
hatred to each other, than upon this occasion. The sultan, 
however, met with a severe repulse ; the bravest of his 
soldiers, " the first bashas of his court, the vizir, the aga of 
the janissaries, and the principal officers of that body of 
troops being killed, the cannon nailed up, the baggage 
taken, and himself seriously wounded. It is said, that upon 
hearing of these reverses, he called for poison to put an end 
to his life and vexation." 

During the time that the sultan was thus engaged, the 
Knights of Rhodes ravaged his dominions, and he soon after- 
wards put to sea with a determination to destroy this ancient 
military order, and to lay waste its possessions by fire and 
sword. He made a descent on the islands of Lango and 
Cos, and also on that of Rhodes, ravaging the country, but 
obtaining no important advantages. 

At this period the knights belonging to the order suffered 
no less from divisions among themselves than from their 
enemies. This was owing to the immense influence of the 
French language over the others, and the procurators of the 
languages of England, Italy, Spain, and Germany were loud 
in their complaints ; but the French truly observed, that the 
order originated with them, and that they were, on that 
account, deserving of the highest honours that could be 
conferred upon them. These divisions ended in the creation 
of a new language, to which the dignity of great chancellor 
was annexed. 

A.D. 1461. The Pope (Pius II.) altered some of the 
rules of the Hospitallers, especially those which related to 
the duty of fasting, which had previously been exceedingly 
severe. They were now also permitted to speak at table and 
in bed, and to sleep with a light in their rooms, from which 

i 2 



116 HEROIC DEFENCE OF RHODES. 

privilege they had up to this time been debarred. Pierre 
Raymond Zacosta, (the grand-master,) dying at Rome, was 
interred, by order of the Pope, in Saint Peter's church. It 
is said that, upon this occasion, " no kind of pious magni- 
ficence that was proper to adorn his funeral obsequies was 
omitted ; and, by a decree of the chapter, it was observed in 
the epitaph of this grand-master, that he was equally dis- 
tinguished by his piety, his charity, and his capacity for the 
arts of government." # 

Although the English took little interest in the events 
that were passing in the island of Rhodes and its depen- 
dencies, the religious-military order of the Knights Hos- 
pitallers still retained its ancient privileges and possessions ; 
but in the year 1469, both were in danger of being lost, by 
the misconduct of the grand-prior of the order, Sir John 
Langsbrother, who, siding with the house of Lancaster, 
during " the quarrels of the red and white rose," was taken 
prisoner in the battle of Tewkesbury, and put to death in 
cold blood by order of King Edward IV., although that 
prince had pledged his honour that his life should be 
spared. 

In the year 1480, the bashaw, Mischa Paloeologus, made 
a descent upon Rhodes, with a fleet of one hundred and 
sixty ships, and one hundred thousand men. He was, how- 
ever, compelled to raise the siege, after having continued it 
for eighty-nine days. Fifteen thousand of his soldiers were 
wounded and carried off upon his repulse, and nine thousand 
were left dead. Rhodes would probably have been lost, but 
for the courage and presence of mind displayed by the Grand- 
Master of the Hospitallers. Upon one occasion, when the 
infidels had obtained some partial successes, " he ordered 
the great standard of the order to be displayed, and turning 
himself towards the knights that he had kept about him, in 
order to march to the places which should be most pressed, 
' Let us go, my brethren/ said he to them, with a noble for- 
titude, 'and fight for the faith, and defence of Rhodes, or 

* Vertot. 



HENRY VIII. AND THE POPE. 117 

bury ourselves in its ruins :' " in 1489, this brave warrior 
received a cardinal's cap. 

A.D. 1502. Ladislaus, King of Hungary, made an appli- 
cation to King Henry VII. of England, for assistance against 
the Turks. Henry sent ambassadors to treat with him, but 
their power was limited to the promise, in his name, of a 
sum of money, to be employed against the infidels. Henry, 
about this time, was elected protector of the Knights of 
Rhodes, in consequence of his writing a letter to the Pope, 
(part of which is subjoined,) in answer to a brief sent from 
Rome, in which the pontiff earnestly besought him to engage 
in war with the infidels. 

" Item. The King's Grace remembreth a clause in the brief 
which the Pope's Holynes sent to hym, wherin was con- 
teyned that the Pope entended to send a legate to dyvers 
roialms and countreys for certene aides, jubilees, and dymes 
to be published, the which legacie the Pope's Holynesse for 
dyvers reasonable and urgente causes hath revoked, which 
revocacion the king's grace thinketh not unprofitable. 

" Item, Whether the King, in the said expedicion, in his 
person goo ayeynst the said Turke, or be contributory to 
such princes as shall goo, it is thought expedient that the 
Pope's Holynesse commande the said aide, jubilees, and 
dymes, to be published by his Vice-collectour and other such 
as shall be deputed by hym into this roialme, which thing 
unto so greate a bourden and charge to be borne and mayn- 
teyned, shall not be a little proufitable. 

" Item. The King's Grace trusteth that the Pope, of his 
singular wisdom, will benignly admitte the King's saide causes 
and reasones as lawful, and his said officers egallie to pardon, 
and not to think the King in his behalf to seeke any colerable 
occasions or excuses, but to be as redie to the defense of 
the Cristen faithe as any prince cristened, and in this behalf 
nother to spare goods, richesse, nor men ; nor yet his own 
propre person yf it be nede, nother in noo wise it shall stand 
by the King as fer as in hym lieth, but that this expedicion 
ayenst the said Turke to the laud of God and holie churche, 



118 SIEGE OF RHODES. 

and to the defense of the universall feith, shall procede with 
effecte, and so contynue till suche tyme as it shall pleas 
Almyghty God to geve the victorie ayenst the enemy es of his 
said feith and religion, and in this quarrel Criste's banners 
to be spradde ayenst the said Turke." # 

The object the Pope pretended to have in view in the pub- 
lication of this Crusade, was the complete subjugation of the 
Turks ; but King Henry's letter was so well understood by 
him, that the scheme vanished into air, and his holiness 
refrained from making application to the rest of the princes 
of Europe. 

In the year 1521, the Turks threatening to besiege Rhodes, 
the grand-master of the knights (Philip Villiers de L'Isle 
Adam), who was in France at the time of his election, sent 
provision and ammunition for the use of the place ; and pre- 
viously to his quitting Europe, implored assistance from its 
various princes. He first visited the Pope at Rome, and it 
is said, that as he approached the Eternal City, he was 
saluted by artillery. Upon his introduction to the pontiff, 
the latter, although weakened by disease, embraced him 
affectionately, and called him the hero of the Christian reli- 
gion, and the brave defender of the faith ;f " titles/' says 
Vertot, " which were justly deserved, but which put the 
Pope to much less expense than the succours would have 
done, for which application had so often been made, though 
always to no purpose." 

Qn the 26th June, 1523, the Sultan Solyman landed 
150,000 men on the island of Rhodes, and soon afterwards 
appeared in person with additional forces. The brave 
knights were not discouraged by the number of the enemy, 
but sustained the siege for four months, when the place was 
no longer considered tenable. An application was then made 
to the grand-master, imploring him to capitulate,- but he 
declared, that he would bury himself in the ruins of his palace, 

* MS, Cotton, Cleop. E. iii., fol. 150. Rapin.— Henry VII. 
t " Magnus Christi athleta, et fidei Catholicae acerrimus propugnator." — Bosio, 
1. ii ., p. 20. 



CAPTURE OF RHODES. 119 

rather than submit to the infidels. The whole of the ammu- 
nition being at length expended, and the sultan himself offer- 
ing terms, the acceptance of which it was thought would 
not be degrading to the knights, his terms were agreed to. 
Upon the surrender of the island, Solyman acknowledged 
that he had lost more than 80,000 men by the hands of the 
knights, and that as many more had fallen victims to disease. 

The magnanimity displayed by the Caliph Omar and Sala- 
din at the moment of taking Jerusalem, has already been 
noticed in preceding pages ; but another instance remains to be 
recorded of the high respect shown to the courage and valour 
of the Hospitallers. Previously to L'Isle Adam quitting 
Rhodes, the Sultan Solyman requested an interview with the 
grand-master ; upon which occasion he treated him with 
the most profound respect, " assuring him that he might em- 
bark his effects at his own leisure, and that, should the time 
agreed upon for that purpose in the articles of capitulation 
not be sufficient, he would willingly prolong it. Solyman, 
upon quitting L'Isle Adam, turned to his general officer, say- 
ing, ' It is not without some degree of pain that I force this 
Christian, at his time of life, to leave his dwelling/ Upon 
saying this, he left the grand-master, after exhorting him to 
support with courage this reverse of fortune. " # 

L'Isle Adam, upon embarking from Rhodes, carried the 
archives of the order with him ; his fleet was unfortunately 
scattered by a storm, and many of the vessels were driven on 
the shores of Candia. After repairing those which were in- 
jured, he again set sail for Italy; but on his voyage, he 
touched at Gallipoli, in the Gulf of Otranto, where he esta- 
blished a hospital. A strict inquiry was subsequently made 
into the whole of the circumstances attending the final siege 
of Rhodes ; and upon the tribunal declaring that no blame 
could be attached to the knights, the venerable L'Isle Adam 
exclaimed, " God for ever be praised, who, in our common 
misfortune, has had the goodness to prove to me that the 
loss of Rhodes could not be attributed to the negligence of 
my order." 

* Boisgelin's History of Malta, vol. ii., p. 5. 



120 MALTA ASSIGNED TO THE KNIGHTS. 

Upon his arrival at Rome, the grand-master met with a 
favourable reception, and still entertained hopes of recovering 
the island of Rhodes ; but they were ultimately abandoned, 
upon the Emperor Charles the Fifth agreeing to give up to 
the order, the island of Malta, and the territories belonging 
to it. Previously to this event taking place, L'Isle Adam 
applied to Henry VIII., of England, who was desirous of 
seizing upon the possession of the order, entreating him to 
remember that the riches belonging to it had always been 
employed in protecting the Christian faith. Henry was so 
much affected by the venerable appearance of the grand- 
master, and the zeal which he displayed, that he confirmed 
all the ancient privileges of the knights, and gave L'Isle 
Adam twenty thousand crowns. He afterwards sent him, 
in the name of the queen and himself, " a golden basin and 
ewer, enriched with precious stones, which were placed in 
the treasury, and now constitute one of its most magnificent 
ornaments."* 

A. D. 1539.f Notwithstanding the professions of esteem 
which Henry VIII. made to the grand-master, in the 
course of a few years after his departure from England he 
determined upon suppressing the Knights Hospitallers, in 
common with the other religious orders, J under the plea 

* Appendix T. 

t Among the Cottonian MSS. is preserved a letter from Clement West (dated 
at Malta) to Sir William Weston, the prior of England, from which we extract 
the following, as likely to interest the reader : — 

" Right worchypfull, after all herty, &c. It may he your plesure to undyr- 
stond, the whych is the xvii of the last past dep'ted thys lyff the good Lord 
Master Pryn de Pount ; and the xxii of the same, the elecsyon was chosen the 
Priour of Tholoze yn Ffrance, gret master off our relygyon, and that elexyon 
during, yt pleased them by her to schoose me fibr Regent, whych onor hath 
.... {never before) .... byn gyffen to an Englishman." 

This Clement West was one of the parties to whom an annuity was granted 
upon the suppression of the priory at Clerkenwell. See page 121. 

% " Camden says, ' that in England and Wales six hundred and forty monas- 
teries, ninety colleges, two thousand and seventy-four chantries and free cha- 
pels, and' one hundred and ten hospitals were dissolved.' The yearly value of 
these religious houses amouuted to one hundred and sixty thousand one hundred 
pounds sterling." — Rapin. 



SUPPRESSION OF THE HOSPITALLERS. 121 

that their obedience to the papal authority was injurious to 
his interests as " Supreme Head of the Church on Earth." 

A bill was brought into the English parliament on the 22d 
day of April, 1540, which was read a second time on the 24th, 
and a third time on the 26th of the same month, ordering the 
total suppression of the order of the Knights Hospitallers in 
England and Ireland ; and those belonging to the various 
establishments were enjoined no longer to use the habit or 
their former titles. This bill vested in the king all the posses- 
sions of the Hospitallers, viz., their castles, honours, manors, 
churches, houses, mesnes, lands, tenements, rents, reversions, 
service?, woods, underwoods, pastures, meadows, &c, and 
absolves the knights from their obedience to the Pope. 

" The suppression of the Hospitallers," observes Fuller, 
" deserveth especial notice, because the manner thereof was 
different from the dissolution of other religious houses; for 
manfully they stood it out to the last, in despite of several 
assaults. The Knights Hospitallers (whose chief mansion 
was at Clerkenwell, nigh London) being gentlemen and 
soldiers of ancient families and high spirits, would not be 
brought to present to Henry the Eighth such puling petitions 
and public recognitions of their errors as other orders had 
done. Wherefore, like stout fellows, they opposed any that 
thought to enrich themselves with their ample revenues, and 
stood on their own defence and justification. But Barnabas' 
day itself hath a night, and this long-lived order, which in Eng- 
land went over the grave of all others, came at last to its own."* 
The following were the annuities granted to the superior 
and others belonging to the priory of Clerkenwell, at its 
suppression : — 

"William Weston, knight, prior of the said hospital of Saint 
John in England, during his lifetime, was to have such rea- 
sonable portion of the goods and chattels belonging to the 
priory as the king might appoint, and also an annual sum 
of 1000Z. ; Clement West, (regent of the order, see p. 120, 
note), 200Z. ; T. Pemberton, 80Z. ; G. Russel, 100Z. ; G. Ail- 
mer, 100Z. ; J. Sutton, 200Z. ; E. Belingam, 100/. ; E. Browne, 

* Fuller's Holy War. 



122 DEATH OF THE PRIOR. 

50/. ; E. Huse, 100 marks ; Ambrose Cave, 100 marks ; W. 
Tirel, 30/. ; J. Rawson, 200 marks ; A. Rogers, Oswald, 
Masingberd, and eight others, each of them 10/. yearly, 
with portions of the goods as the king might limit ; so that 
the pensions appointed to this single house of the Hos- 
pitallers came to 2870/. yearly." # 

Sir William Weston did not survive the suppression of the 
priory, " but was himself dissolved by death on the day of 
the dissolution of his house."f Selden observes, that many 
of the knights retired with him to the continent, in order to 
prevent or retard the downfall of their order; but from several 
passages in the documents connected with the proceedings 
that took place at the time, the accuracy of this statement is 
somewhat doubtful. 
to Sir William Weston, upon his decease, was interred in the 
chancel of the church belonging to the suppressed nunnery 
of St. Mary, Clerkenwell. J The monument over his remains 
was no less remarkable for the singularity of its design, than 
the beauty of its execution. The upper part was enriched 
with tracery, pendants, shields, and columns, (thrown into 
lozenge-shaped compartments on the surface) ; the arms of 
Weston were conspicuous in the centre of the tracery, and 
several brasses of kneeling figures were introduced at the 
back. In the lower part there was an effigy of a dead man 
lying upon his shroud, which Wheler describes as being 
" the most artificially cut that ever man beheld." The three 
sides of this lower part were decorated with two tiers of 
trefoil compartments, and five wreathed or twisted columns 
(each having a shield in the middle of its height,) were 

* Stow's Annals. At the suppression of the Nun Hospitallers, the following 
were the pensions given to the sisters found at Buckland, in Somersetshire : — 
" Cath. Bower, prioress, 501. per annum; Joan Hylbere, Thomasine Huntyng- 
don, Kath. Popham, Anne Mawndefeld, and others, 41. each ; and to William 
Mawndesley, clerk, 41." — Hist, of Abbeys, vol. ii., p. 196. The sisters were per- 
sons of distinction. 

t Seymour's Survey. Fuller. 

| A very accurate representation of Prior Weston's monument will be found 
in " Cromwell's History of Clerkenwell," a work replete with interest to the 
antiquarian reader. 



DISPERSION OF THE KNIGHTS. 



123 



introduced in front. A representation of part of the monu- 
ment is introduced, in order to exhibit to the reader this 
curious effigy of the last prior of the Knights Hospitallers. 




The body of Sir William Weston was discovered in a 
leaden coffin, with the cross of the Hospitallers on the lid, 
on April 27, 1788, an engraving of which was given in the 
Gentleman's Magazine, (vol. lviii. p. 501,) and through the 
kindness of Messrs. J. B. Nichols and Son, F.S.A., we are 
enabled to subjoin a copy of it. 




Although the greater number of the Knights Hospitallers 
remained in England during the proceedings connected with 
the suppression of their order, some retired to Malta, and 
were received with parental affection by the grand-master, 
who endeavoured to comfort them under their misfortunes ; 
bat, alas! " who more needed consolation than himself!" 
Unable to sustain the reverses which his order had met with, 
Villiers de L'Isle Adam died of a broken heart, and the fol- 
lowing simple but expressive words were engraved upon his 
monument. 

HIC JACET VIRTUS VICTRIX FORTUIM/E. 

"here reposes virtue triumphant over misfortuke." 



124 SECOND SUPPRESSION OF THE ORDER. 

Upon the death of the grand-master, care was taken to 
make a permanent provision for the English knights in the 
principal places of residence of the order. John d'Omedes 
succeeded Villiers de L'Isle Adam, and during his grand- 
mastership Mary ascended the throne of England, and 
restored the Hospitallers to their former consequence,* Sir 
Thomas Tresham, knight, being elected the prior of Clerk- 
enwell ;f but within a twelvemonth afterwards the establish- 
ment was again suppressed by Queen Elizabeth. 



The Nun, or Sister Hospitallers were finally suppressed 
in 1542. In 1534 their possessions at Buckland were valued 
at £217. Is. 6d., and were comprehended in the Act of Par- 
liament which dissolved the priory of Clerkenwell. Catherine 
Bower, the last prioress, surrendered her house to the king, 
Feb. 10, 1539. 

* Newcourt. 

t From the indistinctness of the words on Prior Weston's monument, 
much difference of opinion has arisen as to the exact import of the motto borne 
by the priors of Clerkenwell. Cromwell says, that if we consider the words 
to be " Sane Baro," and translate them " truly a Baron," or " a Baron indeed," 
the motto is then reconcileable with the well known dignity of the priors 
of the order, who were said to be the first barons of England. Believing the 
above to be the correct words of the motto, we subjoin the following extract from 
24 Henry VIII., c. 13, which is entitled, " An Act for the Reformacy of Excesse 
in Apparelle," in order to prove the dignity of the priors of the Hospitallers. 

" No man under the state of an earle shall use or weare in his apparelle of 
his body, or upon his hors, mule, or other beaste, or harneis of the same beaste, 
any clothe of golde, or of sylver, or tynseld-saten, or any other silke or clothe 
mixed or embrowdered with golde or silver, nor also any furres of sables ; 
excepte that it shalbe lefull for viscountes, the Pryour of Seint Johns Jherusalem 
within this realme, and barons, to weare in their dublettes or sleveles cootes, 
clothe of golde, silver, or tynsell." This Act was repealed by 1 James I., c. 25. 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 125 



CHAPTER VII. 

MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

Jg, order to acquaint the reader with the character 
and duties of the Knights Hospitallers, a sketch 
of the Crusades has been given in the previous 
chapters. We now proceed to notice the History 
and Antiquities of the Church and Commandery 
of Little Maplestead, which formerly belonged to 
this order. 

The parish of Little Maplestead is in the county 
of Essex, about forty-six miles from London, and 
two from Halstead. In the time of Edward the 
Confessor it belonged to Orim, a freeman ; and 
when the general survey was made in the time of 
William the Conqueror, it was held by John, son of 
Waleran, whose under-tenant was named Osmund. # 
Although no mention is made in Domesday Book of any 
church being attached to this parish, we may fairly pre- 
sume, from the character of the font, that the present church 
was erected after the demolition of an earlier one in the 
Norman style of architecture. In the reign of Henry I. 

* Morant's Histoiy of Essex, vol. ii., p. 282. 

" Maplestedam tenet Osmundus de Johanne quod tenuit Orimus liber, tem- 
pore Regis Edwardi, pro manerio et pro dimid' bide. Tunc ii carucate in 
dominio, post nulla, modo i. Tunc ii bordarii, post i, modo v, et i presbyter. 
Semper ii servi. Tunc silva. lx porcis, post et modo xvi, iii acre prati. 
Tunc i. molendinum quod modo tenet Willielmus de Garenda pro vadimonio 
Tunc nihil recepit, modo ii vacce, et xiv porci, et lvii oves. Tunc valuit xl 
solidos, post et modo xxx." 




126 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

the place belonged to Robert Dosnel, whose daughter 
Juliana, married William son of Andelin, or Fitz-Adhelin, 
de Burgo, one of the great officers attached to the court of 
Henry II. 

This lady, in the year 1185, gave the whole of the parish, 
including the church, to the Knights Hospitallers of Saint 
John of Jerusalem;* and this gift was subsequently con- 
firmed by her husband,^ and also by King John. As soon 
as the Hospitallers had obtained possession of this place, 
they proceeded to erect a commandery, or hospital, which 
was subject to the priory of Saint John, at Clerkenwell. 

"The order of Knights Hospitallers," says Boisgelin, " may 
be considered as being at the same time hospitaller, reli- 
gious, military, republican, aristocratical, and monarchical. 
The great number of the crusaders who entered the order, 
and the considerable donations bestowed on it from all parts, 
caused a change both in the form of government and the 
administration of the property. The knights were divided 
into different nations, or languages, and the property of the 
order being situated in different countries, it was necessary 

* The following charter of donation Morant speaks of as having heen copied 
from an ancient MS. at Maplestead Hall ; hut it is now lost, and not even a ves- 
tige of the ancient hospital remains. 

" Juliana filia Roberti Dosnelli omnihus Hominibus amicis suis Francie et 
Anglie presentibus et futuris salutem. Sciatis quod ego, pro salute anime mee 
et Patris et matris mee, et omnium pareutum meorum, assensu domini Willielmi 
fali Andelini viri', Dedi et concessi et hac presenti carta mea confirmavi Deo et 
Sancte Marie et Sancto Johanni Baptiste et heatis pauperibus sancte domus 
Hospitalis Jerusalem et fratribus in eadem domo servientibus totam villam meam 
de Mapeltrested cum omnibus pertinentiis suis in bosco et piano in viis et 
semitis in pasturis et in omnibus locis, et omne jus quod habui in Ecclesia 
ejusdem ville cum omnibus pertinentiis suis quam eis concessi in liberam 
et puram et perpetuam elimosinam sicut aliqua elimosina melius et liberius viris 
religiosis dari potest. Quare volo, &c. 

" Hiis testibus Radulpbo filio Adelini Radulfo filio Willielmi 

Domini mei," &c. without date. 

t " Willielmus filius Andelini (Domini Regis dapifer) dedit (Hospitallariis) 
Ecclesiam de parva Mapeltrestede cum omnibus pertinentiis, ac ejus patron atus 
ejusdem tempore regis Henrici A. D. 1186, xvi. Kal. Aprilis apud Lond." — 
Dugdale's Monasticon, torn, ii., p. 544. 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 127 

to fix upon some method for having it regularly managed, 
and paid in with punctuality. It was therefore divided into 
priories, bailiwicks, and commanderies. A receiver's office 
was appointed in every priory, into which were paid the 
revenues of the different livings in the said priory. There 
were, likewise, offices of the same nature in several towns, 
which, from their convenient situation, had an easy commu- 
nication with Jerusalem, Rhodes, and Malta. The officers in 
the priories sent their receipts to these towns, and the persons 
appointed to manage the business were termed receivers." 
In the same manner, the receipts of each commandery were 
forwarded to the chief priory, after the deduction of such an 
amount as was considered necessary for liquidating the cur- 
rent expenses of the establishment. 

There were no less than fifty-three commanderies in 
England, and we may fairly infer, from the very numerous 
grants made to that of Little Maplestead, that it was one of 
the most important of the minor establishments of the order of 
Knights Hospitallers. The tenants connected with the manors 
belonging to these commanderies, enjoyed particular privi- 
leges, and were accustomed to affix crosses to the roofs of 
their houses, in order to distinguish them ; as is clearly shown 
by Dugdale, in the instance of a person having endeavoured 
to obtain these privileges, although not one of the tenants of 
the Hospitallers.* It appears that the knights residing at 
Maplestead had the liberty of free warren granted to them 
in several lordships, or manors, in the neighbourhood.^ 

A.D. 1534. An act was passed, by which the priors of 
Saint John of Jerusalem, and the knights presiding over the 
commanderies of the order of the Hospital, were compelled 
(in common with the archbishops and bishops) to pay to 
the king, upon their election, the first fruits and profits 
thereof for a whole year. As this was the commencement 
of Henry's acts of oppression against the Hospitallers, we 
have given a copy of part of the act. 

* Dugdale's Warwickshire, vol. ii., p. 965. t Newccmrt's Repertorium. 



128 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

" And for as moche as the Lord Priour of Sajnt Johns of Jhe- 
rusalem yn Englande and his brethren, be not specially named 
and expressed yn this acte, wherby ambyguyte mought arise 
whether they shulde be comprized within the lymyttes of this 
acte, it is therfore for playne declaracyon thereof enacted by 
auctoryte aforesaide, that everie persone andpersones, which after 
the saide first daye of January (1535) shall happen to be nomy- 
nated, electyd, collated, or by any other meanes appoynted to the 
dignytie of the said Priour of Saynte Jhons of Jherusalem yn Eng- 
lande, or to any commanderie apperteynynge unto the same, 
shall before theyr actuall and reall entree ynto the same dignytie 
or commandrye, or medlynge with the profittes thereof, satysfye 
and paye to the use of the Kynge's Highnes, his heirs and succes- 
soures, the fyrste fruytes and promttes thereof for one hole yere, 
or agree or compounde for the same at reasonable dayes ; in like 
manner and fourme, and upon like peyne yn everie behalff as 
archbysshopes and byshoppes, and other spirituall persones, ben 
bounde to do by vertue and auctorite of this acte : And that also 
the Prior of Seynt Jhons nowe beynge and his successoures, and 
everie of his brethern, havynge any comandrie, and their suc- 
cessoures shall contribute and paie yerely to the Kynges High- 
nesse, his heirs and successoures, one yerely rente and pencyon 
amountynge to the tenthe parte of all their possessions and pro- 
fittes as well spirituall as temporall, and shall be charged, rated, 
taxed, and sette to the contribucyon and payment of the said 
tenth parte, and that also the said tenthe parte shall be levyed, 
collectyd, and paide yn suche like manner and fourme to all en- 
tents and purposes, as to the tenthe parte of other dignites and 
benefices spirituall shall be charged, taxed, sette, levyed, collect- 
ed, and paide by auctorite of this acte." 

We find no mention of the establishment of Little Maple- 
stead until immediately after the suppression of the religious 
houses in 1540, when a receiver was sent down to take an 
account of the farm belonging to the manor. As the docu- 
ment, of which we subjoin a copy, is an extremely interesting 
one, we have no doubt that its insertion will gratify the 
reader ; and in order to show the power vested in the com- 
missioners, we have given the general title attached to it. 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 



129 



Late Priory Accounts of all and singular the bailiffs, church- 
IfStTohn reeves, farmers, collectors, and other the officers and 
of Jerusalem ministers whomsoever, of all and singular the lord- 
in England. shipS) manorS) l an ds, tenements, rectories, tithes, 
pensions, portions, and other the possessions and 
hereditaments, as well spiritual as temporal, to the 
same late priory or hospital of Saint John of Jerusa- 
lem in England aforesaid belonging or appertaining, 
which have latterly come to the hands of our Lord, 
Henry the Eighth, by the grace of God the now 
King of England and France, Defender of the Faith, 
Lord of Ireland, and on earth the Supreme Head of 
the Church of England, by reason and virtue of a 
certain Act of Parliament in that case made and pro- 
vided, held at Westminster the day of the month 
of , in the 32nd year of the reign of our said 
lord the king, as in the same act may appear: to wit, 
concerning the issues and revenues of all and singular 
the lordships, manors, lands, and tenements, and 
other the premisses aforesaid, from the feast of Saint 
Michael the Archangel in the 31st year of our said 
Lord the King, to the same feast of Saint Michael the 
Archangel from then next following in the 32nd year 
of the reign of our aforesaid Lord the King : to wit, 
for one intire year. 

Manor of Ma- The account of Henry Hale, farmer there during 
plested, in the ,, « . , . . 

county of' Essex.™* aforesaid time. 

Arrears. None, because they calculate the account for the 

lord of the same, after the dissolution of the late 
priory. No sum. 

The Farm. But a rent of 101. 13s. 4d. from the aforesaid Henry 
Hale for the farm of the Manor of Maplested afore- 
said, with all the lands and tenements, meadows, feed- 
ings and pastures, rents and services, with all profits 
♦'and commodities of whatsoever kind appertaining 
and belonging, woods, underwoods, wards, marriages, 
and the half of all reliefs, fines, and escheats ; ad- 

K 



130 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

The Farm, vowsons of churches, (those only excepted as demised 
to him by indenture, under the common seal of the 
late priory of Saint John of Jerusalem in England, 
dated the 18th day of May, in the 10th year of the 
reign of King Henry the Eighth,) to hold to him and 
his assigns, from the feast of the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary last past before the date of these 
presents, unto the end and term of 29 years from then 
next following and to be fully completed : rendering 
thereof annually at the feasts of the Annunciation of the 
Blessed Virgin Mary and Saint Michael the Archangel 
equally as above, and supporting all charges ordinary 
and extraordinary issuing from the aforesaid manor 
with the appurtenances during the aforesaid term. And 
the said farmer and his assigns shall sufficiently repair 
the said manor with the appurtenances, as in hedges, 
ditches, and spades, during the aforesaid term. Fur- 
ther, the said farmer and his assigns shall have suffi- 
cient hedgebote, ploughbote, cartbote, foldbote, house- 
bote, and fyrebote, in and of woods and underwoods 
to the said manor belonging, to be expended reason- 
ably and without waste during the same term as in 
the same indenture more fully appears. 

The sum of the farm 10/. 135. 4d., from which is 
to be exonerated here 10 6s. 8d. of and for so much 
money due from William Weston, knight, late prior 
of the aforesaid priory, receiver for the farm of the 
manor aforesaid, at the feast of the Annunciation of 
the Blessed Virgin Mary before the time of the disso- 
lution of said late priory, occurring within the time of 
this account, upon the oath of the said farmer admi- 
nistered before the auditors. And he owes 106s. 8d. 
as delivered to Morris Dennys, Esquire, receiver of all 
the lands and possessions of the late priory aforesaid, 
the 11th day of November in the 32nd year of the 
reign of our Lord the now King, Henry the Eighth, 
as appears by the bill thereof, upon this account 
rendered.* 

* For a copy of the original deed in Latin, see Appendix U. 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 



131 




Henry the Eighth did not retain posses- 
sion of Little Maplestead manor for any 
length of time, but disposed of it in ex- 
change (with other possessions belonging 
to the lately suppressed religious houses) to 
George Harper, Esq, # as will be apparent 
from the following deed, which still remains 
in the Augmentation Office. 



& indenture made the ] Oth daie of Marche, in the 33rd 
yere of the reigne of our moste dradde Sovereigne Lord 
Henry the Eight, by the grace of God, King of Englonde, 
France, and Irelonde, Defendour of the Faith, and in erthe 
Supreme Hedde of the Churche of Englond and Irelonde, 
betvvene the same our Sovereigne Lord the King of the one 
partie, and George Harper, Esquier, of the other partie, wit- 
nesseth, that the said George Harper, for certain causes and 
considerations hereafter in these present indentures expressed 
and declared, hath bargainid and solde, and by these pre- 
sents fully and clerely bargayneth and selleth, unto our said 
Sovereigne Lord the King, all that his messuage, &c, (being 
certain manors in Kent and other counties), and our saide 
Sovereigne Lorde the Kyng, for the causes and considera- 
cions aforesaid, hath bargaind and solde, and by these pre- 
sents fully and clerely bargayneth and selleth, unto the saide 
George Harper, all those his highnes manours of Sutton 
Temple, Chawreth, and Maplested, and the parsonage and 
churche of Chawreth, and the advowson, gifte, and patronage 
of the vicaredge of the parisshe churche of Chawreth, with 
all and singular their rightes, membres, and appurtenences 
in the countie of Essex, lately belonging and appurteyning 
to the Priorie or Hospitall of Saynt John of Jerusalem in 
Englond, now dissolved, and being parcell of the posses- 
sions therof; and all and singuler messuages, graunges, lands, 
tenements, mylles, medows, lessus, pasturs, comens, marshes, 
waters, fissings, woodes, underwoodes, rentys, reversions, 
and services, advowsons, gyfts, and patronages of churches 
and chappells, and courts leetys, views of frankpledge, wardes, 



* Argent: a lion rampant, gules, within a bordure engrailed, sable. 

k2 



132 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

marriages, eschets, herietts, relefs, waiffs, strays, pencions, 
porcions, tythes, oblations, and all other ryghtes, proffytes, 
commodities, emoluments, and heredytaments, whatsoever 
they be, with their appurtenences sett, lieing, and being in 
Sutton Temple, and in the lie of Fulneys, and in Chawreth 
and Maplested, in the saide countie of Essex, and elsewhere 
in the same countie of Essex, to the said maners of Sutton 
Temple, Chawreth, and Maplested, and to the said parsonage 
and churche of Chawreth, or to any of them belonging or in 
any wise appurteyning, or being accepted, reputed, taken, used 
or knowen as parte, parcell, or membre of the same manours 
and parsonage, or of any of theym, &c. 
In witness whereof to one partie of this indenture remayning with 
the saide George Harper, our saide Lorde Sovereigne Lorde 
the Kinge hath caused his greate seale of Englonde to be 
putto, and to the other partie of the same indenture remayn- 
ing with our saide Sovereigne Lorde the King, the saide 
George Harper hath putto his seale, the daie and yere first 
above wrytten. ^\ 

s^ # 

* By me George Harper, 
t Capta et recognita ad irrotulandum coram me Ricardo Ryche xxi die Maii, 
anno xxxiii<> Henrici Regis, Richard Ryche. 





MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 133 

The Manor of Little Maplestead was not long retained by 
Harper, as we find that within six weeks after the property 
had come into his possession, he disposed 
of the whole (including the ancient hos- 
pital, or commandery,) to John Wiseman,* 
Esq., and Agnes his wife. This deed being 
somewhat curious, and including a state- 
ment of the amount given for the manor in 
the year 1542, a copy of it is subjoined.f 

Wl)t% UkU^&tltMVt made the xxjth daye of Apryll, in the xxxiijth 
yere of the reigne of oure Soueraigne Lorde Kynge Henry the 
Eight, Betwene George Harper, Esquyer, on the one partie, 
and John Wiseman of Moche Canffelde in the countie of 
Essex, gentylman, on the other partye, SSJttiuggetJ), that yt is 
couenanted, condescended, and agreid betwene the said parties 
by thes presentes in manner and forme followinge, that is to 
wete, the said George Harper for the causes and considera- 
cions hereafter in thes presente Indentures expressed and 
declared, and for diverse other good causes and considera- 
cions, covenanteth, promyseth, and graunteth to and with the 
said John Wiseman and his heires, that he the said George 
Harper, before the feste of Pentecoste nexte comyng after 
the date of thes presentes, at the costes and charges of the 
said John Wiseman his heires or assignes, by deade suffi- 
cyent in the lawe or otherwise as shal be reasonablye advised 
or devised by the saide John Wiseman his heires or assignes, 
or by his or thair lernyd counsaill, shall and will conveye 
and make, or cause to be conveyed and made unto the said 
John Wiseman and Agnes his wif, and to the heires and 
assignes of the said John Wiseman, a good, sure, sufficient, 
and lawful estate in the lawe, in fee symple of and in the 
Manor of Maplested, with all and singular his rightes, mem- 
bres, and appurtenences in the countie of Essex, lately be- 
longing and apperteignynge to the late Pryorie or Hospytall 

* Sable : a chevron, ermine, between three cronels of tilting spears, argent. 

t This deed is in the possession of the trustees of the estates settled by Mr. 
Joseph Davis, upon trust, for the Sabbatarian Protestant Dissenters, as stated 
more fully in a subsequent page. 



34 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

of Sayncte John Jerusalem in Englond, now dissolued, and 
being parcell of the possessions thereof. And all and sin- 
guler mesuages, granges, milles, landes, tenementes, medowes, 
leasues, pastures, comens, waters, fyshinges, mershes, woodes, 
vnderwoods, rentes, reu'sions, seruyces, advowsons, giftes 
and rightes of patronage of churches and chapelles, courtes 
leets, viewes of ftrankeplege, wardes, manages, escheates, 
releves, heriottes, waiffes, straies, pencions, porcions, tythes, 
oblacions, and all other rightes, proffittes, commodityes, 
emolumentes, and hereditamentes whatsoeu' thay be, with 
thair appurtenences sett, lying, and being in Maplested in the 
countie of Essex, or elsewhere in the said county of Essex, 
to the Manor of Maplested belonging or in anywise apper- 
teignyng, or which are hadde, knowen, accepted, vsed, reputed 
or takyn as members or parcell of the same manor. And also 
all and singular courtes leetes, viewes of ffrankeplege, waiffes, 
strayes, fire warrens, and all other rightes, proffittes, juris- 
dictions, commodities, and emolumentes which the said 
George Harp' hath or ought to haue within the saide manor 
and other the premysses or any parte or parcell thereof, as 
fully and holly and in as large and ample maner as the saide 
George Harper lately hadde and opteyned the said manor 
and other the premysses to hym his heires and assignes for 
ever, by and of the gifte and graunte of oure saide Soueraigne 
Lorde the Kynge, as by the lettres patentes of our sayde 
Soueraigne Lord the Kynge, bearing date at Westm' the 
eightene daye of Aprill, in the xxxiijth yere of the reigne of 
our sayed Soueraigne Lord Kinge Henry the Eighte, amonges 
other thinges therein conteyned more planely at large is 
shewed and may appere, 1Eo i)au* and to holde the said manor, 
landes, tenementes, rentes, reu'sions, seruices, and all the 
premysses, with thair appurtenences, vnto the said John 
Wiseman and Agnes his wif, and to the heires and assignes 
of the sayde John Wiseman for euer. $tnt) morcouo: the said 
George Harper covenantethe, promysseth, and graunteth by 
thes presentes, to and with the said Johh Wiseman, That 
the said manor, mesuages, landes, tenementes, and all other 
the premisses with thair appurtenences at thensealyng of thes 
presentes be or before the said ffeaste of Pentecoste nexte 






MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 135 

comyng after the date herof, shalbe thereby discharged and 
exonerate of all and euery former bargaynes and sales, and of 
all other charges and incombrannces whatsoeu' thay be, 
hadde, made, or doone only by the said George Harper, 
(except such statutes, obligacions, and recognysannces 
wherein the said George standyth bounden, of the whiche 
statutes, obligacions, and recognysannces the same George 
and his heires and executors shall from tyme to tyme dis- 
charge, acquite, or save harmeles, as well the same John 
Wiseman his heires and assignes, as the said manor and 
other the premisses. And also excepte the seruyce and yerely 
rente of twentye and one shillinges and fowre pence reseruyd 
to the Kinges Highnes owte of the said manor by the said 
lettres patentes thereof made to the said George Harper in 
forme aforesaide.) &ntl ftutijermore the said George Harper 
for hym and his heires promyseth, covenanteth, and graunt- 
eth by thes presentes to and with the said John Wiseman and 
his heires, that he the same George and his heires shall and 
will at all tyme and tymes within the space of thre yeres 
nexte ensuying after the date of thes presentes, at the costes 
and charges of the said John Wiseman his heires or assignes, 
do and suffer to be done all and euery suche reasonable acte 
and actes, thinge and thinges, as shalbe reasonablie devised 
or aduised by the sayd John Wiseman his heires or assignes, 
or by his or thair lernyd counsell, for the ffurther and more 
better assurannce and makyng sure in the lawe of the said 
manor, mesuages, landes, tenementes, rentes, reuersions, 
seruices, and all other the premisses, with thair appurte- 
nences, to such vses and intentes, and in suche maner and 
forme as before in this presente Indenture is appoynted, 
lymyted, or agreid, be yt by ffyne, feoffament, recouery, deade 
or deades, enrollyd, releas, confirmacion, or otherwise, with 
warrantie only of the sayde George Harper, or of his heires, 
ageynste the same George and his heires, or otherwise with- 
owt warrauntie of the said George Harper. Slut) on this the 
same George Harper couenanteth and graunteth to and with 
the said J ohn Wiseman, that the said John Wiseman shall 
ffrom hensforth haue, holde, and enjoye to hym, to his 
heires and assignes, all evidences, wrytinges, and muny- 
mentes concernyng only the said manor and other the pre- 



136 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

misses, or any parte or parcell thereof. 3In con£tDcradon of 
whiche premyssez, and of the covenantes, grauntes, articles, 
and aggrementes abouesaid, which on the parte and behalf of 
the said George Harper and his heires are to be obsyruyd, 
performed, and kepte in forme aforesaid, the said John 
Wiseman, at thensealing of this presente Indenture, hath 
well and truly contented, satisfiede, and paied to the said 
George Harper the some of one hundred fowrescore and 
twelue poundes sterling, of which said somme of one hun- 
dred fowrescore and twelue poundes sterling the said George 
Harper knowlegeth hymself by thes presentes to be well and 
truly contented, satisfied, and payde, and thereof and of 
every parcell thereof dothe thereby acquyte, discharge, and 
relase the said John Wiseman his heires, executors, and 
admynystratours by these presentes. 3rn fottneg wheareof the 
parties abovesaid to thes presente Indentures enterchangeably 
haue putt thair seales the daye and yere furste abouewrittyn. 

By me, George Harper, (L.S.) 

The Manor of Little Maplestead having come into the 
possession of John Wiseman, Esq. by purchase, was left by 
him in his will to Agnes his wife, (daughter of Philip 
Jocelyn, Esq.) during her life, and to his heirs in remainder. 
John Wiseman, Esq., the eldest son, succeeded to the estates, 
and married the daughter of Sir William Waldegrave, by 
whom he had a very numerous family. This property 
eventually came into the possession of the youngest son, 
Edmund Wiseman, Esq., an involuntary agent in the lament- 
able circumstances connected with the execution of the 
Earl of Essex, the celebrated favourite of Queen Elizabeth. 

It is well known that the earl wrote a letter to the 
queen previously to his execution, and that its contents 
were such that, had it been replied to, his life would, in 
all probability, have been saved. This letter was confided 
by the earl to Edmund Wiseman, who had long been 
known as a brave soldier and one of his faithful followers. 
Through some inadvertence, or more probably through igno- 
rance of the important contents of the letter, Wiseman 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 



137 



delayed its delivery until the unfortunate earl had perished 
on the scaffold. No sooner was he made acquainted with 
the importance of the document and the fatal consequences 
of his negligence, than he vowed never again to sleep in his 
bed ; and this eccentric being satisfied his conscience and 
performed his self-inflicted penance by having a tree cut 
into the form of a bed, upon which, until his decease, he 
was accustomed to repose. This Edmund Wiseman held 
several courts at Maplestead; after his death his estates 
passed into the hands of various branches of the same 
family ; but in 1670 they were sold by Sir 
William Wiseman, for the sum of 4000Z., 
to Sir Mark Guy on,* Knt., who, at his 
death, left them to his only son William, 
with the reservation, in the event of his 
dying without issue, that they should pass 
to his daughters Elizabeth and Rachel. 



In consequence of William dying child- 
less, the property afterwards passed to 
Edward Bullock,f- Esq., who had married 
the eldest daughter, Elizabeth. 



In the year 1691, Mr. Joseph Davis, a member of a church 
of Sabbatarian dissenters, meeting in Mill Yard, Goodman's 
Fields, purchased the meeting-house with some property 
adjoining, and a few years afterwards conveyed the same to 
nine trustees, for the use of the congregation. In 1 705, he 
also purchased the manor of Little Maplestead of Edward 
Bullock, Esq. ; and by his will, dated May 5, 1706, devised 
to seven trustees, members of the said church, an annual 
rent-charge upon the manor of 501. ; and subject thereto, he 

* Argeut : three bends, azure, on a canton, sable, a lion passant, guardant, or. 

t Gules : a chevron, ermine, between three bulls' heads, cabossed, argent, 
armed or. 




138 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

devised the same manor and estate to his son Joseph Davis, 
for life, with remainder to all the children of his said son for 
their lives, with remainder to the last-mentioned trustees in 
fee ; and he devised to the same trustees fourteen houses in 
Shadwell. The trusts of the Maplestead and Shadwell pro- 
perty were for the benefit of the church in Mill Yard, and 
other churches in different parts of the kingdom, most of 
which have ceased to exist. Joseph Davis, the son, dying in 
1731 without issue, the estates at Little Maplestead became 
vested in the trustees in lieu of the annuity. After this 
period, all the estates were conveyed to the same trustees, 
but upon the distinct trusts affecting the separate estates. 

The property in Essex being now blended with that in 
Mill Yard and Shadwell, under the common title of the 
estates belonging to Davis's Charity, it is impossible to give 
the reader a satisfactory account of the manner in which the 
proceeds from the Maplestead estates were from this time 
appropriated, without in some degree touching upon the 
history of the church of which Mr. Davis was a member; 
we therefore make no apology for inserting the following 
particulars.* 

The original deed of trust relative to Davis's Charity 
estates is not now in existence ; but it appears, by entries 
in the old trust-books, to have been the same as a deed 
executed in 1717, which provided that the meeting-house 
in Mill Yard should be for ever used and enjoyed by a 
certain congregation of dissenting Protestants (meeting and 
assembling themselves together for religious worship every 
seventh day, or Saturday,) free from rent, &c, and that out 
of the rents and profits of the other premises in Mill Yard, the 
meeting-house there should be repaired and the taxes paid, 

* The accuracy of this information may he relied on, as it has been kindly 
furnished (at the express request of the author) by Messrs. Holmes and Elsam, 
the solicitors to the trustees of Davis's Charity, to whom the author takes this 
opportunity of acknowledging himself much indebted, not only for the care- 
ful examination of the deeds in their possession relative to the ancient com- 
mandery of Little Maplestead, but also for having furnished him with a valuable 
statement of various particulars contaiued in them. 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 1.39 

from time to time, as occasion might require ; also that 61. 
should be paid annually to the minister, preacher, or teacher 
of the chapel ; it was likewise declared, that the said Joseph 
Davis, during his life, should receive one third of the residue, 
and that the remaining two-thirds (and after his decease the 
whole) of the residue should be appropriated to the poor 
people of the congregation, according to the discretion of the 
trustees appointed, or the major part of them. The deed 
then contained a proviso, (which was also in the original 
deed of 1700,) that any seven or more of the trustees for 
time being, might revoke, alter, or make void all or any of 
the aforesaid trusts, and appoint any new or other trusts, as 
to them should seem meet; but which power they never took 
upon themselves to exercise. 

Towards the close of the last century, the church at Mill 
Yard had so dwindled by deaths and desertions, that it 
became impracticable to keep up the number of trustees, 
and the estates became vested, by survivorship, in three 
brothers, John Slater, Joseph Slater, and William Slater, all 
now deceased. They were at this time of about the value 
of 578Z. per annum, subject to the usual deductions for 
repairs, insurance, and other outgoings, including an annual 
payment of 10Z. to the perpetual curate of Little Maplestead. 

The money arising from the estates was at this time appro- 
priated in salaries to the ministers of different chapels,* 
and in allowances made to the widows of deceased minis- 
ters. Annual distributions were also made among the poor 
members of the different congregations, and occasional pre- 
sents were given to ministers and others who had suffered by 
the pressure of the times. Large expenses were also incurred 
in rebuilding and keeping in repair the meeting-house in 
Mill Yard, and other premises. 

In 1800, Joseph Slater (one of the trustees) being de- 
ceased, Joseph Slater, his son, was nominated in his stead 
by his two uncles. In the year 1809, an information was 
filed by the Attorney-General, on the relation of the last-men- 

* See Appendix V. 



140 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

tioned Joseph Slater, (the present senior trustee,) against 
William Slater and Mary Slater, the administratrix of the 
aforesaid John Slater, praying (among other things) that an 
account might be taken of the charity estates, and of the re- 
ceipts and disbursements in respect thereof; that new trustees 
might be appointed to act with the said Joseph Slater, and 
that all necessary and proper directions might be given for 
the future conduct and management of the charity estates : 
and by a decree made Nov. 30, 1811, it was directed, that 
the Master should appoint proper persons to be trustees, 
according to the prayer of the information, and should ap- 
prove of a proper scheme for the future management of the 
charity estates. 

The relator's solicitor accordingly, in pursuance of the 
decree, drew up a scheme, which was submitted to Sir John 
Simeon, (the Master to whom the cause was referred,) but 
disapproved of by him for two reasons : first, that the property 
in question ought not to be applied to the support of such a 
sect as that for whose benefit it was originally given ; and se- 
condly, that if it were to be, the sums proposed by the scheme 
to be appropriated to the different objects, were too great. It 
was successfully argued before the Master by the relator's 
counsel, that the Master could not enter into the first point, 
the court having directed him to approve a scheme for the 
future management of the charity estates, from which it was 
to be inferred, that the court had no objection to such an 
application of the property; and as to the second point, 
that the reason why the sums in question had been proposed 
was, that unless the money were so distributed, it must 
accumulate to no purpose: the remaining objects of the 
charity being so few. 

In the report which was ultimately made by the Master in 
1823, it was certified that, although by the trust-deed no 
salary had been expressly provided for the ministers or assist- 
ant teachers of the congregation in Mill Yard, beyond cer- 
tain small sums mentioned in the report, yet inasmuch as the 
surplus rents of the estates were devised for such pious and 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 141 

charitable uses, as to the trustees for the time being should 
seem most fit and needful for promoting the cause of truth 
and relief of the household of faith, he was of opinion that 
competent salaries for maintenance of the teachers of the con- 
gregations was a proper application of them ; the Master also 
certified, that it would be beneficial that a receiver should be 
appointed with a proper salary ; and he finally approved of the 
scheme laid before him, after having made certain variations. 

By a separate report made in the said cause, bearing date 
July 18, 1823, the Master certified, among other things, that 
he found, by the affidavit of the said Joseph Slater, that 
although a trustee of the said charity estates, he was not 
a member of the congregation named in the trust-deed ; 
that to the best of his judgment and belief it was impos- 
sible to fill up the number of the trustees from the mem- 
bers of the said congregation as directed by the trust-deed, in 
consequence of all the members thereof being females ; that 
it would also, in the opinion of the said Joseph Slater, be 
injudicious to appoint the minister, preacher, or teacher of 
the congregation at Mill Yard a trustee, as directed by the said 
deed ; and that five trustees would be sufficient to conduct and 
manage the affairs of the said charity : the Master, therefore, 
having considered this statement of facts, appointed Isaac 
Vane Slater, Joseph Clover, Thomas Park,* and John James 
Park, Esquires, jointly with the said Joseph Slater, trustees 
of the said charity estates, in the room of the said William 
Slater; which report was confirmed by the Court, July 25, 1823. 

The present trustees of the estates belonging to Davis's 
Charity are Joseph Slater, sen., Esq. ; Isaac Vane Slater, 
Esq. ; Joseph Clover, Esq. ; and Joseph Slater, jun., Esq. 
The charity estates in Essex comprise the manor of Little 
Maplestead and the farm of Little Maplestead Hall, con- 
sisting of the hall, homestead, garden, and lands, altogether 
about three hundred and fifteen acres ; and also a farm called 
Bricks, consisting of a farm-house, homestead, and lands, 
containing about sixty-eight acres. Both these farms are 
held on lease by Mr. James Brewster ; and the trustees of 

* See Appendix W. 



142 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

Davis's Charity estates, in addition to the foregoing property, 
are entitled to the great and small tithes of the parish, con- 
sisting of about one thousand acres, and which tithes are 
comprised in Mr. Brewster's lease of the two farms. The 
living is a perpetual curacy in the gift of the trustees. 

Having imparted to the reader all the information that can 
be obtained respecting the ancient manor, we proceed to 
make a few comments upon the commandery originally be- 
longing to the Knights Hospitallers, reserving our concluding 
remarks for the parish church, by far the most interesting 
object remaining in the now almost-deserted village of Little 
Maplestead. 

Morant says, that the Knights Hospitallers, after obtain- 
ing the gift of the manor of Maplestead from the Lady Ju- 
liana, erected a house called " Le Hopital," because belong- 
ing to the Knights of the Hospital of St. John, but now 
Little Maplestead Hall ; which, says he, is a very ancient 
edifice, as appears from the chimney-piece belonging to the 
parlour, and also the staircase. 

The ancient edifice here spoken of has been swept away, 
not by the hand of modern innovation, but owing to a due 
regard to the domestic comfort of its inmates, which this time- 
worn, crazy edifice could no longer afford. Morant mentions, 
with evident delight, that the building seen by him contained 
the still more ancient relics of the commanderies of Little 
Maplestead. 

" We too can gaze, and think it quite a treat, 
So they be old, on buildings grim and shabby." 

But, alas ! not a vestige of the ancient manorial hall ex- 
ists ; and we can add, upon the best authority, that there are 
no remains of the ancient hospital or commandery, — nor any 
indications on the land belonging to the manor of the site 
of any ancient structure ; and that in the present offices 
attached to the hall, there are no materials but such as are 
usually found in farm buildings. 

" Out upon Time ! he will leave no more 

Of the things to come, than the things before. 

Out upon Time ! who for ever will leave 

But enough of the past for the future to grieve." 



MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 143 

In the " palmy days " of the Knights Hospitallers, the 
commandery of Little Maplestead was an establishment of 
some importance. This may be inferred from the fact, that 
in an ancient manuscript in the British Museum, containing 
an account of the various establishments belonging to this 
religious-military order, there are not less than five hundred 
and eighty-five grants* of land and other property (from 
persons residing in different parts of the country) to this 
commandery ,• whereas on other commandery has more than 
seventy grants of the same description. 

From what has already been mentioned, there can be little 
doubt that the present hall stands on the site of the ancient 
commandery ; it is immediately opposite to, and within a few 
hundred yards of, the church ; and although no longer inha- 
bited by the Hospitallers (whose duties were of an eleemo- 
synary character), it is the residence of a gentleman who 
retains all the noble feelings that influenced the minds of the 
ancient knights, — alleviating the wants of the poor belonging 
to the neighbourhood, and dispensing, with his own hands, 
the gifts of Christian charity, f 

It appears, by an entry made in the old rental-book be- 
longing to the manor, which was inspected by Morant, but 
is now lost, that previously to the suppression of the Knights 
Hospitallers, the priest who officiated at the commanderyj 
was called the Farry-clark, and that his stipend was drawn 
from the rental of lands and tenements in several parishes 
in the county of Essex ; the parish of Burnham was, how- 
ever, the chief source whence his income was derived, there 
being an entry in the rental-book to the following effect : 
" The vicar of Burnham payeth by yere to the Farry-clarke 
forty shillings, or else the Farry-clark may goe to Down-moe 
priory and take the challys and masse-book, or any other 
ornament for his dewte," — a privilege of which, we trust, he 
never availed himself. 

* See the titles of these grants in the Appendix X. 

t Mr. Brewster is the perpetual churchwarden and guardian of the poor of 
Little Maplestead. 

% For a list of the comraanderies in England, see Appendix Y. 



144 MANOR OF LITTLE MAPLESTEAD. 

The living of Little Maplestead is a donative, or perpetual 
curacy, now in the gift of the trustees of Davis's Charity 
estates. Newcourt, in his Repertorium, says, that it was 
entirely free from the control of the bishop up to the time 
of the dissolution. After Henry the Eighth disposed of the 
manor, the living continued in the gift of the different pro- 
prietors. The curate appointed to the church is now licensed 
by the bishop of the diocese, or his commissary ; but owing 
to its " being a donative, the curacy is not charged with 
any first fruits, tenths, procurations, or synodals." 

The stipend of the present incumbent (Rev. W. Alder, B.A.) 
is 521. per annum, 10Z. of which is paid by the trustees of 
Davis's Charity, 201. arises from the rental of about twenty 
acres of glebe, and the remainder from Queen Anne's 
Bounty.* The parish offices are held by Mr. James Brewster 
(of Little Maplestead Hall), who is churchwarden as well as 
guardian for the parish ; and Mr. Chatteris acts as constable 
and overseer. The number of inhabitants is about three 
hundred and thirteen. 

* Lewis, in his Topographical Dictionary, says, " The living of Little Ma- 
plestead is a donative, within the jurisdiction of the commissary of Essex and 
Herts, concurrently with the Consistorial Court of the Bishop of London, en- 
dowed with 2001. private benefaction, 6001. royal bounty, and 200/. parliament- 
ary grant." 



LITTLE MAPLESTKAD CHURCH. 



145 



CHAPTER VIII. 

LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 

" My travels are at home, 
And Lumsden taught me to converse of Rome ; 
The arch Palladian and the Parian stone 
I love, — the pride of Chambers and of Soane ; 
And oft in spots with ruins overspread, 
Like Lysons, use the antiquarian spade." 




IREFIOSBSbll? to entering upon 
the description of Little Maplestead 
Church, it appears necessary to offer 
a few remarks relative to the struc- 
tures erected by the early Christians, 
in order to point out the circum- 
stances that seem to have induced them to give 
the preference to a circular form. 

Sir George Wheler, in his Account of the 
Primitive Churches, says, that even in the first 
century the Christians had stated places of 
public worship,* and his opinion is corrobo- 
rated by other authors : indeed, we are told that 
Peter and John, the disciples of our Saviour, 
erected a church at Lidda, or Lydda, during 

* " Saint Paul is most plain concerning the place, in 1 Cor. x., where, in the 
18th verse, he seems very plainly to have respect to the place. 
"Xvuegxofiivap ifxcov iv 1y iKKX-ncia. 
When ye come together in the church. 
For, first, otherwise it would he a redundancy in words ; when ye come together 
would be enough. And next, he himself interprets that by the place, ver. 20, 
iir\ lb avlb. When ye come together therefore in one place, or rather in that, or 
the same place, with relation to 4KK\T](rla, for so the particle olv, therefore, doth 
joyn them." — Wheler s Churches of the Primitive Christians, p. 7. 

L 



146 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



the life-time of the Virgin Mary, and that her portrait, 
painted by St. Luke, formed one of its chief ornaments :* 
the same disciples are also said to have erected another 
church at Tortosa. There can be little doubt of the 
existence of churches in the. second century, even sup- 
posing their erection at an earlier period to admit of 
any ; as Clemens Alexandrinus says expressly, " I call 
not now the place, but the congregation of the elect, the 
church. ,"f 

Baptisteries may certainly be classed among the earliest 
structures connected with Christian worship, and of these 
many are attributable to the munificence of the Emperor 
Constantine, and of his mother Helena. The form generally 
adopted in these erections was octagonal, although some 
were polygonal, and a few circular. 

" As the first Christians always practised baptism by 
immersion, and wherever they formed a nucleus, wanted a 
building for this purpose, as much as for that of worship, 
Constantine no sooner gave his Basilica of the Lateran to 
Pope Sylvester, than he erected behind it a baptistery, to 
which he gave the octagonal shape, in order that the assist- 
ants might, from all sides, more easily view the cistern that 
served as a font." % This form or shape became in the course 
of time so hallowed, that almost every baptistery in Europe 
was built in imitation of the earlier erections raised by Con- 
stantine. Montfaucon mentions eight octagonal buildings 
in France, which were probably used as baptisteries. 

The adoption of the octagonal form, in preference to any 
other, for sacramental purposes, is clearly proved by the 

* " Prima denique in honorem Deiparae aedificata fuit Diospolitana sen 
Liddensis 18 miliarbus ab Hierosolymis, quam a SS. Petro et Johanne, ipsa 
adhuc vivente Deipara; et ut ejusdem in ea repositam imaginem a S. Luca. 
depictam, testatur Johannis Damasceni seu Orientalium Synodica ad Theophy- 
lline Imp. p. 115." 

t Ou vvv lov 16irov, d\\k lb a^poiff^ia 1wv fKKA^cn&JV, €KK\ri(riau Ka\a>. — Clem. 
Alex. Strom. 7. 

% Hope on Architecture. 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 147 

inscription over the baptistery of St. Thecla, at Milan ;* (in 
which an allusion is also made to the salutary effects of 
baptism upon the Christian ;) and if any thing were wanting 
to show the reason of this preference being given, it would be 
sufficient to observe, that by a distinctive form being used in 
these structures, the character and purpose of their erection 
were clearly exhibited ; a circumstance that could not fail 
to excite in the minds of the faithful, a strong veneration for 
the important rites that were performed within their sacred 
walls. The various baptisteries now existing are distinct 
from, but adjoining, the churches to which they belong; and 
this appears to have been invariably the case, as Tertullian 
observes, "When we are come to the water to be baptized, 
we not only there, but also somewhat before, in the churchy 
under the hand of the minister, make a public declaration 
that we renounce the devil, his pomps and his angels." f 
Robinson states, that in the earliest ages, " the administrators 
and candidates were accustomed to descend into the bap- 
tismal font ; but subsequently the administrators ascended, 
and plunged the children into the water, without going in 
themselves.";}; 

The form of the churches of the early Christians was not less 
peculiar than that of their baptisteries. They were frequently 
circular on the plan;§ and, as many of the baptisteries 
corresponded with them in this respect, it has been pre- 
sumed, that in the various round churches now existing in 
Europe, and originally erected by the crusaders, this form was 



* " Ochtachorum sanctos templum surrexit in usus 
Octagonus fons est munere dignus eo 
Hoc munero decuit sacris baptismatis aulam 
Surgere quo populis vera salus rediit." 

Gruter, p.. 1166; Ciampini, P. ii., p. 22. 

t " Aquam adituri, ibidem, sed et aliquanto prius in Ecclesia, sub Antistitis 
mane contestamur, nos renunciare Diabolo et poropae et angelis ejus." — Tertull. 
de Coron. Mil. c. 3. 

;i J Robinson on Baptism. 

§ " The first metropolitan church, however, at Antioch, built under the orders 
of Constantine, was of octagonal form." — Christie. 

L 2 



148 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



adopted owing to the rite of baptism being performed, upon 
entrance into the religious-military orders ; but this is erro- 
neous, as the erections of the crusaders were not only 
used as places of sepulture, but were originally built in 
imitation of the church of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem ; 
whereas " burial was not allowed in baptisteries."* We 
have already assigned a reason for the form of an octagon 
being selected for the ancient baptisteries; and as the 
supposed tomb of our Saviour was situate in the centre 
of the church at Jerusalem, the circular form was equally 
as well adapted as the octagonal, for a large assemblage 
of persons obtaining a distinct view of the object of their 
veneration. Although bathing for chivalrous purposes was 
indeed sometimes used in the baptisteries on the con- 
tinent, it appears evident that the round churches of 
the crusaders were merely intended to imitate the holy 
sepulchre. 

The baptisteries of the early Christians were attached only 
to the most important of their churches, and were erected 
at a time when baptism was performed at stated periods of 
the year.f The introduction of fonts J has set aside the 

* " In Baptisteriis mortui sepeliri vetantur iD Concilio Altisiodori." — Ducange, 
cap. 14. 

" Among the primitive Christians, burying in cities was not allowed for the 
first three hundred years, nor in churches for many ages after; the dead bodies 
being first deposited in the atrium, or church-yard, and porches and porticoes of 
the church. By our common law, the granting of burial within the church is 
the exclusive privilege of the incumbent ; except in cases where a burying- 
place is prescribed for as belonging to a manor-house, (Gibson, 453). The 
churchwardens, by custom, have, however, a fee for every burial there, as the 
parish 'is at the expense of repairing the floor.' (Watson's Clergyman's Law, 
cap. 39.)" — Rees' Cyclopaedia, art. Burial. 

t Ducange. 

f " The term font is of ancient use among the early fathers of the church, origi- 
nally applied to the fountain, or part wherein persons were immersed or baptized, 
afterwards to the vessel capable of admitting adults, and at last to the vessels 
of the present form to contain only the water. The baptistery at Canterbury 
cathedral, and the font in St. Martin's church-yard, were used for baptizing 
children or adults." — Archaologia, vol. x., p. 201. See also Stavely's History of 
Churches. 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



149 



necessity of these erections, and the ancient decree which 
forbade the burial of persons in churches has also been 
annulled ; so that at the present time, the Christian rites of 
baptism and burial, are performed under the same roof, and 
in the round churches as well as in all others. 

The following observations by Boisgelin,* respecting the 
initiation of the Knights Hospitallers, will clearly prove that 
it was unconnected with the rite of baptism by immersion. 

" Many authors," says he, " have given very false ideas of 
the oath taken by the knights, owing perhaps to their never 
having read it in the original text. I shall therefore cite it, 
in order that it may be better understood. ' Those who are 
determined to dedicate themselves to the service of the sick, 
and to the defence of the catholic religion, in the habit of 
our order, are received at their profession in the following 
manner: — they ought to be perfectly well acquainted that 
they are about to put off the old man, and to be regenerated, 
by humbly confessing all their sins, according to the esta- 
blished custom of the church; and after having received 
absolution, they are to present themselves in a secular 
habit without a girdle, in order to appear perfectly free at 
the time they enter into so sacred an engagement, with a 
lighted taper in their hand, to hear mass, and to receive the 
holy communion, "f The novices were then presented to the 
person who was to perform the ceremony, and who addressed 
them in a short speech, enjoining them to be obedient to the 
rules of the order ; after which, they took the vows of poverty, 
chastity, and obedience, and were clothed with mantles, each 
having on it a white cross, as a symbol of the true cross 
upon which Christ suffered. The only part of the cere- 
mony at all referring to baptism, was the use of the lighted 

* History of Malta. 

t " After the Council of Nice, Christians added to baptism the ceremonies of 
exorcism and adjurations, to make evil spirits depart from the persons to be 
baptized. They made several signings with the cross, they used to light candles, 
&c. At that time, also, baptized persons wore white garments till the Sunday 
following." — Rees' Cyclopedia, art. Baptism. 



150 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



taper. " In the institution of baptisteries, a reference was 
made to the death and resurrection of our Saviour, and to 
the baptized Christians dying unto sin, and walking in new- 
ness of life." The same events were also signified by tapers 
and lamps, as Amalarius says, " All the lights remain extin- 
guished till the last litany, which belongs to the mass of the 
resurrection ; then the lights of the church are lighted up to 
show that the whole world was iLluminated by the resurrec- 
tion of Christ." 

Of the various round churches erected in England, only 
four remain, viz., the Temple Church, London, the churches 
of St. Sepulchre's at Cambridge and Northampton, and that 
of Little Maplestead ; of these, the last is the subject of our 
more immediate inquiry. 

The plan of Little Maplestead Church is very justly 
described as unique, having not only a circular west end, 
but also a semi-circular chancel. Dr. Stukely, Fosbroke, 
and others, have drawn their conclusions as to the anti- 
quity of many churches from the existence of this peculiar 
feature; on the other hand, Rickman, after noticing in 
terms of commendation the various parts of Maplestead 
Church, observes, that it exhibits the latest specimen of the 
kind. # 

The late Mr. Gough, in his Essay on Fonts,i- after observ- 
ing upon the great age of those at St. Martin's, Canterbury, 
and St. Peter's, Oxford, remarks, that " the font of Little 
Maplestead is still simpler," and therefore indicative of greater 
antiquity : so little, however, is known respecting Saxon archi- 
tecture, that we are not disposed to venture the opinion that 
the last-mentioned font is of that style ; but its simplicity, 
and the rudeness of its execution, prove it to be much more 
ancient than the church to which it is now attached. J 

These remarks lead us naturally, we had almost said ne- 

* Rickman's Attempt. t Archeeologia, vol. x. 

% " The font, (at Little Maplestead,) from its exterior arcades, appears very 
rude and ancient ; but the smallness of its basin implies that it was never used 
for baptismal immersion." — Britton's Architectural Antiquities, vol. i. 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 151 

cessarily, to the expression of an opinion, that the present 
church is not that given to the Knights Hospitallers by the 
Lady Juliana Andelin. The charter of donation seen by 
Morant, was indeed without date ; but the confirmation of 
that charter by the husband of this lady is dated 1186, a 
period memorable in the annals of the Hospitallers, owing 
to the visit paid to England by the Grand-Master of their 
order, accompanied by Heraclius, the patriarch of Jerusalem ; 
upon which occasion the high altar of the priory at St. 
John's, Clerkenwell, was consecrated, and also the circular 
part of the Temple Church. 

The present church at Maplestead being decidedly built 
in imitation of the holy sepulchre at Jerusalem, must either 
have been erected by the Hospitallers themselves, or by 
the Lady Juliana for their use. If by the latter, it would 
indeed be remarkable that a church of so singular a form, 
and a copy from so celebrated a model, should not have 
been specially noticed in the charter of donation. The style 
of architecture in the Temple Church, London, (erected in 
the same year as that in which the manor of Maplestead was 
given to the Hospitallers,) is the early English; whereas 
that of the present church at Little Maplestead is the deco- 
rated, with flowing tracery and other indications of the style 
prevalent at a later period. From the above-mentioned fact, 
we conclude that the present church was erected by the 
Hospitallers, as nothing was more natural than that " there 
should be very early imitations (especially by the crusaders) 
of the church of the resurrection, within whose site the 
triumphs of the cross were rendered complete, and of which 
it was itself the splendid memorial :" and in proof of the 
correctness of this opinion, it should be noticed, that in most 
cases the churches erected by the Knights Hospitallers were 
dedicated to their patron, St. John the Baptist ; whereas 
those which came into their possession from the Knights 
Templars, retained the names of the saints to whom they 
were originally dedicated. The retention of the Norman font 
at the time of rebuilding the church, is a clear proof that 



152 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 

this building, (whatever may have been the case in other 
instances,) was never used for the purposes of baptismal 
immersion. 

Dallaway, in his Discourses upon Architecture, observes, 
that " the whole of the four remaining round churches were 
originally merely circular, having received subsequent addi- 
tions of oblong naves, to which they are now vestibules.'' 
As regards Little Maplestead thh is incorrect, as will appear 
evident from the following remarks, which are the result of 
a careful investigation, made by the kind permission of the 
present incumbent. An examination having been made at 
various points of the building, it appeared that the founda- 
tions throughout are on one level, being three feet six inches 
below the surface of the soil. The lower part of the walls, 
to the height of two feet three inches from the bottom of 
the foundation, is of an increased thickness, owing to there 
being a set-off of six inches externally, which runs round the 
whole of the building ; and at the points where the circular 
portion of the building, at the west end, unites with the nave, 
there is not the slightest indication of any difference of work- 
manship or materials. In opening the ground at «, on the 
plan, (plate 1,) the remains of a buttress were discovered, 
(see plate 4, fig. 1,) the plinth of which is formed of regular 
masonry, with a chamfer on the top edge stopping on the 
returns against the face of the building. The discovery 
of this buttress naturally led to an examination of the 
opposite side of the building, and, as anticipated, a cor- 
responding buttress exhibited itself at b, on the plan. 
Prosecuting these researches, each buttress was examined 
separately, and it was clearly ascertained that the whole 
of the chamferred plinths to the buttresses are on the same 
level ; this tended to confirm the opinion that the different 
parts of the building are coeval. On taking up the paving 
internally, where the circular and straight portions unite, 
the materials and workmanship were found to correspond 
in every particular. It should also be observed, that the 
whole of the walls are formed of rubble work, (merelv 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 153 

the dressings of the windows, doors, and the plinths and 
water tables of the buttresses, being stone,) that they are of 
exactly the same thickness throughout ; and that although 
the windows of the western part of the building, (the circular 
part,) are much larger than those of the nave, the width of 
the mullions in each case is precisely the same, the only 
difference arising in the necessary enlargement of the tracery 
to the larger windows. The stone is also similar, the jambs 
of the windows being formed of free stone, and the mullions 
and tracery of Caen stone. It is necessary that these par- 
ticulars should be mentioned in a critical notice of the build- 
ing under investigation, inasmuch as they seem to establish, 
beyond a doubt, the fact, that at least one of the round 
churches is an exception to the statement made by Dallaway. 
The singularity of the plan has already been commented 
upon ; with reference to the semicircular chancel, we may 
add to what has already been stated, that the font being 
Norman, and the form of the chancel peculiar to this round 
church, it is quite possible that when the more ancient struc- 
ture was demolished, this feature (so prevalent in Norman 
buildings) was retained. 

In the absence of historical proof of the age of the 
church, comparison is the only scale by which a correct 
judgment can be formed. The beautiful doorway at the 
west end, which is decorated with ornaments peculiar 
to the reigns of Henry III. and Edward I., enables us, 
by comparison with other buildings, to arrive at a very 
satisfactory conclusion as to the age in which the church 
was erected. The inlaying of quatrefoil compartments upon 
the jambs, arch, and label moulding of the doorway, very 
strikingly resembles that introduced upon Geddington Cross, 
Northamptonshire ; and it is especially deserving of notice, 
that trefoil compartments of a similar character are in 
each of these structures introduced in immediate con- 
nexion with quatrefoils. A similar kind of ornament 
occurs in the western front of Dunstaple Priory, Essex,. 
which, although originally Norman, has received some later 



154 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 

insertions ; the part to which we refer, was probably intro- 
duced in 1273, in which year (according to the Chronicle of 
Dunstaple) the western front of the priory church was re- 
paired and beautified. 

In endeavouring to ascertain the age of these additions to 
the priory, Britton remarks, that " as a similar kind of orna- 
ment is introduced in both erections, the probability is that 
they are of the same age." Pursuing the same course of 
reasoning, we would observe, that as the date of erection of 
Geddington and Waltham crosses corresponds within a few 
years with that of the alteration in Dunstaple Priory, and as 
the style of decoration assimilates with that which is observ- 
able in the doorway of Little Maplestead Church, it is 
extremely probable that the whole of these buildings were 
erected at nearly the same period. But the reader is referred 
to the subjoined list, containing numerous examples of the 
peculiar ornament referred to ; of which it should perhaps be 
observed, that while that on the monument of Edmund 
Crouchback (Earl of Lancaster, and brother of Edward I.) 
is precisely similar to the one at Maplestead, the others 
exhibit slight variations ; though only such as may be 
accounted for by the fact, that not having been intended 
as exact copies, they merely display the style of decoration 
that was prevalent at the several periods of their erection. 

Quatrefoil compartments in spandrels of arches to 

nave and choir of Westminster Abbey . 1269 
„ to the jambs of doorway from Westminster 

Abbey to the east cloister 1270 

,, to the west front of Dunstaple Priory 1273 

„ on Geddington Cross ( erected to the me- 1 

,, on Waltham Cross (moryof Q.Eleanor $ 

,, on the monument of Edmund Crouchback, 

Earl of Lancaster, and brother to Edw. I. 1 296 

To the Architect, the plates introduced to elucidate the 
church require but little, if any, explanation ; but a few 






LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



155 



remarks are necessary for the information of the general 
reader. The peculiar form of the plan is shown in plate 1. 
The general dimensions are as follow: — total length of the 
church internally, 62. ; diameter of circular part, west end, 
29. 6; width of nave, 15 feet. 

It is much to be regretted that the view of the semi- 
circular chancel of the church is altogether excluded by 
the screen introduced to form the vestry, which from its 
shape and contracted dimensions is exceedingly incon- 
venient for the purpose to which it is applied. The con- 
struction of the roof having been very carefully examined, 
it appears that this screen might be removed, without inter- 
fering in the slightest degree with the stability of the build- 
ing; and the following alterations may be suggested, as 
likely to afford to the spectator an uninterrupted view of 
the chancel end, if not to restore this part of the building to 
its original condition. 

The present appearance of the chancel end will be readily 
apprehended, by reference to No. 1 of the subjoined engrav- 
ings. No. 2 represents the proposed alteration, which 




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No. i. 



No. 2. 



might be effected by the removal of the present screen, and 
the introduction of an arch at the point where the semi- 



]56 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 

circular portion dies into the walls of the nave. Niches, 
similar to those represented, might be formed for the pur- 
pose of receiving the decalogue, &c. By a reference to the 
longitudinal section, plate 3, it will be seen, that by setting 
back the gable end of the roof beyond the line of the present 
screen, an opportunity would be afforded of introducing light 
through the semicircular curb, which receives the present 
rafters of the chancel roof. The effect produced by this light 
would, it is presumed, be extremely pleasing, as the arch, 
without obstructing the rays of light, would partially con- 
ceal the source whence it was derived. # The alteration sug- 
gested, would much improve the appearance of the church, 
as the continuance of the perspective is now lamentably in- 
terfered with, by the cumbrous and unsightly altar screen. 

The transverse and longitudinal sections, (plate 3,) are suf- 
ficiently explanatory to render it unnecessary to give any 
detailed observations respecting them. Carter, in his notice 
of this church says, that with the exception of the roof, the 
whole building presents one uniform style of architecture, 
and that it is impossible to imagine how the roof and the 
circular part at the western end were originally finished. We 
cannot but think these observations somewhat precipitate, as 
there are several pieces of masonry observable in the upper 
part of the walls of the nave, which seem to have belonged 
to a parapet. The form of the upper part of the west end 
was probably hexagonal, as that is the plan of the arches 
below ; it may, however, have been circular, and the annexed 
view of the church of St. Jean le Rond,f at Paris, will 
clearly show the manner in which this part of the building 
may have been finished originally. The similarity between 

* The effect, as regards the light, would be somewhat similar to that of the 
eastern end of the Catholic Chapel, Moorfields, which building was erected from 
the designs of John Newman, Esq., F.S.A, 

t This church was destroyed during the French revolution. The annexed 
representation is taken from a French work, in which it is described as having 
been a structure of the greatest interest, owing to its peculiar form, and the 
character of its details. 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 157 

this church and that at Maplestead consists not only in the 
circular form, but also in the character of the buttresses. 



The views (plates 2 and 5) will convey to the reader an 
accurate idea of the appearance of the church externally ; it 
seemed unnecessary to introduce any elevations, inasmuch as 
the only interesting features are the doorway and windows, 
which are represented in plates 6 and 7. 

An erection has been raised at the west end of the church, 
(as represented in the frontispiece,) and appropriated to the 
use of the Sunday-school. This unseemly excrescence wholly 
conceals the beautiful doorway, which is much to be de- 
plored, its connexion with the church not being absolutely 
necessary ; as, owing to the small population of the parish of 
Little Maplestead, and the distance of the church from the 
residences of the cottagers, the school-room would be much 
more convenient if situated in the village. Its removal from 
its present situation would add very considerably to the 
appearance of the church ; independently of which, the orna- 
ments of the doorway would escape the gradual obliteration 
which they are now suffering from every additional coat of 
whitewash that the school-room receives. 

Dr. Franklin, in one of his essays, gives a ludicrous 
account of the annual whitewashings to which the houses 
are subjected in America, where the ladies turn their liege 
lords out of house and home, in order that they may in- 
dulge in their favourite propensity. Although this mania has 
not seized the ladies of our own country, it seems to be 
making rapid strides among those of the other sex, who are 



158 LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 

officially connected with our churches and cathedrals. No- 
thing is more common in entering such buildings, than to 
notice alternate streaks of yellow, black, and white, intro- 
duced to distinguish the various mouldings of the clustered 
pillars ; and not unfrequently the grotesque heads, introduced 
as corbels to support the roof, are made, by the assistance 
of the village painter, to look smilingly and contentedly 
under the superincumbent weight. 

This beautifying may please the vulgar, but it entirely 
removes the venerable aspect so impressively assumed 
by mouldering stone. The awe-inspiring grandeur of our 
cathedrals and churches, creates an instinctive feeling of 
their age and connexion with by-gone days ; but no sooner 
has the brush of the " improver " been passed over the 
graceful and delicate enrichments which characterise the 
Gothic style of architecture, than that sombre effect, which 
produces so powerful an impression upon the mind, is 
entirely destroyed. 

Denon, in speaking of the temples of Egypt, says, " they 
are open volumes, in the pages of which history is recorded, 
morality taught, and the useful arts practised ; " and the 
same observation may be applied with propriety to the 
venerable structures that adorn our native country. 

There are few persons, we should presume, who, upon 
entering a church and beholding the monumental brasses of 
their forefathers, do not feel disposed to remove their thoughts 
from the present, turn them back upon the past, and 

" Live — not in themselves, but become 
Portion of that around them." 

The structures of former ages are the text-books of the 
Architect and Antiquary; to them they are indeed open 
volumes, in the pages of which the history of their favourite 
science is recorded ; and if the whole structure form the vo- 
lume, its constituent parts may be regarded as the means by 
which the original architect possessed the power, even after 
death, of addressing himself in a language comprehensible 
to the initiated, though not so to the generality of mankind. 



LITTLE MAPLESTEAD CHURCH. 



159 



The importance of Architecture is so great, as to require no 
extraneous recommendation: it stands pre-eminently con- 
spicuous as the elder sister of the Arts, and as that from 
which every other art derives spirit and energy. 

These observations will prove to those who have the power 
of preserving the Architectural remains of former ages, that 
the wanton spoliation of any structure, and the obliteration of 
even a moulding, is an injury not only to the Architect, but 
to the nation ; since it is by the careful study of the details 
of a building that the student becomes conversant with the 
principles of his art, that he is enabled to imbibe the spirit 
which actuated the mind of the original Architect, and to 
imitate that, of which he would, under less favourable cir- 
cumstances, be merely the copyist. The preservation of those 
structures which are rendered venerable by their having 
become the depositories of departed virtue, cannot be too 
strongly insisted upon; indeed, an increasing desire has lately 
been evinced to effect this object, and if, by the present work, 
the attention of the public be directed to the dilapidated 
condition of the church at Little Maplestead, the object 
we have in view will be attained. There are not many 
such remains of antiquity, and for that reason we have here 
given some draughts of it ; to which we were the more 
inclined, because it is possible it may ere long be levelled, 
and not only the figure of it forgot, but the very place also 
where it stood. 





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APPENDIX. 



A.-( P . 5.) 

Erasmus says, that " if the fragments of the cross were collect- 
ed together, enough would be found for the building of a ship ;" 
and the following extracts from various wills of eminent English 
persons in the middle ages seem to bear out this remark. 

Will of Elizabeth, Countess of Northampton, dated 1356.— " I 
do will to the church of Friar Preachers, London, the cross made 
of the very cross of our Saviour's cross, wherein is contained one 
of the thorns of his crown." — Nicholas's Testamenta Vetusta, 
vol. i., p, 60. 

Will of Thomas, Earl of Warwick, dated 1369.— " To the 
Bishop of Lichfield, a cross of golde, wherein is a part of the 
very cross of Christ : and to Sir J. Beauchamp, a cross of gold, 
wherein part of the very cross of Christes cross is contained, 
enamelled with the arms of England!" (p. 80.) 

Will of Thomas, Earl of Oxford, dated 1371.—" To Maud, my 
wife, all my reliques now in my own keeping, and a cross made 
of the very cross of Christ's cross." (p. 87.) 

Will of Philippa, Countess of March, dated 1378.—" To Ed- 
mund, my son, a gold ring, with a piece of the true cross, with 
this writing, ' In nomine Patris et Filii et Spiritus Sancti. Amen.' " 
(p. 101.) 

Will of William Wykeham, Bishop of Winchester, dated 1403. 
— " I bequeath to my church at Winchester, one cross of gold, 
with relics of the cross of our Lord." (vol. ii., p. 768.) 

B.-(p. 5.) 
" The space enclosed in the Campo Santo is filled to the depth 
of ten feet with earth brought from the Holy Land by the galleys 

M 



162 APPENDIX. 

of Pisa in the twelfth century, and is supposed to have had the 
peculiar quality of corroding the bodies deposited in it, and 
destroying them in twice twenty-four hours" — Eustace's 
Classical Tour, vol. ii., p. 287. 

In Cresy and Taylor's excellent work on the Architecture of 
the Middle Ages, there is an interesting description of the Campo 
Santo at Pisa, in which it is said that, " according to common 
report, the sacred soil had the effect of reducing a corpse interred 
in it to dust, in the short space of fourteen hours ; this power 
has, however, long since been lost." 

C.-( P . 5.) 
" The question as to the circumstances under which Julian 
was deterred from rebuilding the walls of Jerusalem, is not yet 
exhausted ; a very plausible explanation of the phenomenon has 
been recently published, and received with an attention of which 
it is not undeserving. It may reasonably be supposed, that 
during the long period that intervened between Titus and Juliau, 
the vast caverns, by which the greater part of Jerusalem was un- 
dermined, being obstructed by rubbish, would remain untenanted, 
and probably unexplored ; and thus the workmen of Alypius, when 
they proceeded with torches to examine and penetrate the gloomy 
labyrinths, might be terrified, and expelled by frequent explosions 
of inflammable air." — Wadding ton 's History of the Church, 
p. 112. 

E.— (p. 33.) 
An interesting account of the discovery of the lance, and a very 
beautiful illumination representing the same, may be found in 
Eoyal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. 1. 

F.-( P . 34.) 
" Cette magnifique plate-forme, preparee sans doute par la 
nature, mais evidemment achevee par la main des hommes, etait 
le piedestal sublime sur lequel s'elevait le temple de Salomon ; 
elle porte aujourdhui deux mosquees Turques : l'une, El-Sakara, 
au centre de la plate-forme, sur l'emplacement meme ou devait 
s'etendre le temple ; l'autre, a l'extremite sud-est de la terrasse, 
touchant aux murs de la ville. La mosquee d'Omar, ou El- 



APPENDIX. 163 

Sakara, edifice admirable d' architecture Arabe, est un bloc de 
pierre et de marbre d'immenses dimensions, a huit pans ; chaque 
pan orne de sept arcades terminees en ogive; au-dessus de ce 
premier ordre d'architecture un toit, en terrasse d'ou part tout un 
autre ordre d'arcades plus retrecies, terminees par un dome 

gracieux couvert en cuivre, autrefois dore. Les murs de la 

mosquee sont revetus d' email bleu; a droite et a gauche s'etendent 
de larges parois terminees par de legeres colonnades moresques 
correspondant aux huit portes de la mosquee. Au-dela de ces 
arches detachees de tout autre edifice, les plates-formes con- 
tinuent et se terminent, l'une a la partie nord de la ville (de 
Jerusalem) l'autre aux murs du cote du midi. De hauts cypres 
dissemines comme au hasard, quelques oliviens et des arbustes 
verts et gracieux, croissant ca et la entre les mosquees, relevent 
leur elegante architecture et la couleur eclatante de leurs mu- 
railles, par la forme pyramidale et la sombre verdure qui se de 
coupent sur la facade des temples et des domes de la ville." — 
Voyage en Orient, par M. Alphonse de Lamartine, tome ii., 
p. 170. 

The reader will also find a very interesting account of the 
mosque of Omar in the Modern Traveller, (volume on Palestine.) 
See also Clarke's Travels in Greece, Egypt, and the Holy Land, 
vol. ii., 4to., p. 601, and Dr. Richardson's Travels. 

G.— (p. 36.) 
List of Masters of the Knights Hospitallers. 

FROM DUGDALE's MONASTICON. 

1. Gerard, who was guardian of the hospital of the poor in 
Jerusalem, and found there when Godfrey of Bologn and the 
Christians took Jerusalem, anno 1099. He held it nineteen years. 

2. Raymond de Puy, who made the rule for the Hospitallers, 
and had it confirmed by Pope Eugenius, 1118, was Master thirty- 
two years. 

3. Auger de Balben, a most religious man, 1 160, was Master 
three years. 

4. Arnaud de Combs, a generous man and advancer of the 
order, 1163. 

5. Gilbert Assali, or de Sailly, who did much good in his short 
time, 1167. 

m 2 



164 APPENDIX. 

6. Gaston, or Castus, of singular humility and goodness, for 
whose sake the order was much favoured, 1169. 

7. Jubert, or Jobert, 1169. 

8. Geoffrey de Druston, a very religious and good man, and a 
great lover of the brothers, and of the sick, 1179. 

9. Hermengard d'Apt, in whose time Jerusalem was lost, 1181. 

10. Roger de Molins, who made good statutes, and had the 
rule confirmed by Pope Lucius, 1185. 

11. Gamier de Napoli, notable in feats of arms, 1193. 

12. Alfonso, a Portuguese, 1194. 

13. Geoffrey Rat, 1194. 

14. Guerin de Montaigne, a very brave man, 1206. 

15. Bertrand de Gexi, 1230. 

16. Gerin, who heaped much treasure, 1234. 

17. Bertrand de Comps, much increased the dominion of the 
order, 1244. 

18. Peter de Villebride, 1248. 

19. William de Chateauneuf, 1251. 

20. Hugh de Revel, who much reformed the order, 1260. 

21. Nicholas de Largue, in whose time a white cross and red 
armour were ordained, 1278. 

22. Odo, through whose ill management the order suffered 
much, and the Pope intermeddled in their affairs, which had not 
been done before, 1288. 

23. William de Villaret, 1296. 

24. Fulk de Villaret, 1308. 

25. Maurice de Pagnac, 1317. 

26. Leon de Velleneufve, 1323. 

27. Deodatus de Gozon, 1346. 

28. Peter Cornillan, 1353. 

" The Monasticon goes no further, the rest shall be continued 
here from other authors." [Stevens.) 

29. Roger de Pins, 1355. 

30. Raymund Beranger, 1364. 

31. Robert de Juliers, 1373. 

32. John Ferdinand de Heredia, 1376. 

33. Philibert de Naillac, 1396. 

34. Antony Fluvinny, 1421. 



A.PPENDIX. J 65 

35. John de Lastic, 1437. 

36. James de Milly, 1454. 

37. Peter Raymond Zacosta, 1461. 

38. Baptist Ursin, 1467. 

39. Peter d'Aubusson, Cardinal, 1476. 

40. Emery d'Amboise, 1503. 

41. Guy Blanchefort, 1512. 

42. Fabricius de Carrette, 1513. 

43. Philip de Villiers de l'lsle Adam, settled the order at Malta, 
in the year 1530, after the loss of Rhodes, was himself before 
enthroned in 1521. 

44. Perrin du Pont, 1534. 

45. Didier de St. Jaille, 1534. 

46. John Diomede, 1536. 

47. Claudius de la Sengle, 1556. 

48. John de la Valette Pansot, 1557. 

49. Peter du Mont, 1568. 

50. John de la Cassicre, 1572. 

51. Hugh de Loubens de Verdade, Cardinal, 1582. 

52. Martin Garcia, 1595. 

53. Adolphus de Vignacourt, 1601. 

54. Alonso Mendez Vasconcelos, 1622. 

55. Antony de Paula, 1623. 

56. John Paul de Lascaris, 1636. 

57. Martin de Redin, 1637. 

58. Anet de Gesson, 1660. 

59. Raphael Cotoner, 1660. 

60. Nicholas Cotoner, brother to Raphael, 1663. 

H.-(p. 37). 
Rules of the Order of the Knights Hospitallers. 

FROM DUGDiLE's MONASTICON. 

1. That they make and observe the three vows, of poverty, 
chastity, and obedience. 

2. That they require nothing as their due but bread, water, and 
a poor garment. 

3. That the clerks serve at the altar in white surplices. 

4. That the priest carry the body of our Lord to the sick, with 



]66 APPENDIX. 

a surplice on, the deacon or other clerk going before, with a light- 
ed candle in a lanthorn, and a sponge with holy water. 

5. The brothers always to go abroad two or three together, at 
the appointment of the Master ; to do nothing that may give 
offence. 

6. No woman to wash their heads or feet, or make their beds. 

7. Both lay and clergy-men going a questing, to repair to 
churches, or modest people, and ask their diet for charity, and 
buy no more ; but if they find none to give sufficient, they may 
buy enough to subsist on. 

8. To receive nothing but what they account for to the Master, 
and the Master to transmit the same to the poor. 

9. The Master to retain the third part of all provisions and, 
if any thing be to spare, to send it to the poor of Jerusalem. 

10. No brothers to go to quest, but such as are sent by the 
Master and the Chapter. 

1 1 . The brothers to be satisfied with such diet, as the brothers 
where they go have, and to carry light with them. 

12. That they wear no clothes misbecoming the order, nor any 
skins of wild beasts. 

13. That the brothers eat only twice a-day, both on Wednesday 
and Saturday, and eat no flesh from Septuagesima till Easter, ex- 
cept the sick and infirm. 

14. That they never lie naked, but with some sort of garment 
on. 

15. If a brother commit fornication in private, let him repent 
privately, and have proper penance enjoined him ; but, if he be 
discovered by any, he is to be stripped the next Sunday after 
mass, in the church of the same town, and most severely scourged, 
and then expelled ; but, if he afterwards return penitent, he may 
be again received. He is to be enjoined penance, and be kept a 
whole year without ; and then, if he appear penitent, the brothers 
to do as they think fit. 

16. If one brother quarrels with another, and the complaint be 
brought to the procurator of the house, he shall fast upon bread 
and water Wednesday and Friday, and eat on the ground, without 
a napkin, for seven days. 

17. If one brother strikes another, to continue as above forty 
days. 



APPENDIX. 167 

1 8. If any brother depart from his house or master, he must 
eat on the ground forty days, feed on bread and water Wed- 
nesdays and Fridays, and be as long out of the house as he was 
abroad, unless the chapter think fit to moderate the same. 

19. The brothers to observe silence when eating, and in their 
beds, and not to drink after complin. 

20. Any brother misbehaving himself, and not amending after 
two or three admonitions, to be sent a-foot to the Master to be 
corrected. 

21. No brother to strike any servant. 

22. Any brother keeping any thing of his own, and dying with- 
out revealing the same, to have his money tied about his neck, 
and be severely whipped in the presence of the rest. 

23. Masses to be said during thirty days for all brothers in the 
houses where they die, and alms to be given for them, &c. 

24. That they give righteous judgment in all cases. 

25. Any such person to be received, to confess and communi- 
cate, and to be charitably entertained according to the ability of 
the house. 

26. The Epistle and Gospel to be sung on all Sundays, a pro- 
cession to be made, and holy water sprinkled. Any brother be- 
stowing the money of the poor to make a party against the Master, 
to be expelled. 

27. If two or three brothers live together, and one of them mis- 
behaves himself, the other to reprove him, without defaming ; if 
he amend not, then to call two or three brothers to correct him ; 
and if still he persist, then to transmit the matter in writing to the 
Master. 

28. No brother to accuse another without good proof. 

29. All the brothers to wear the cross on their breasts. 

I.— (p. 42.) 
" King Henry II. gave the lands and houses of the canons of 
Buckland, in Somersetshire, to Gamer de Neapoli, prior of Saint 
John in England, for the endowment of a priory of Sister Hospi- 
tallers for the benefit of the order of Saint John, under a stipula- 
tion that sisters of that order should never be received into any 
other of their houses in the kingdom. After which, the said 
Gamer called together the sisters from the several hospitals 



168 APPENDIX. 

in England, and appointed nine to be the first sisters in Buck- 
land. 

"The office of the sisters in Jerusalem was to be nurses to the 
sick pilgrims, besides whom there were other charitable women, 
who, in several parts of Christendom, made it their business to 
assist and take care of sick and indigent people. The similarity 
of their vocations was probably the reason of their assuming the 
habit of the sisters of Jerusalem, and made them choose to reside 
in or near the preceptories of the Hospitallers. Of such of these, 
the first nine sisters established at Buckland were chosen."— 
Collinsoris History of Somersetshire, vol. iii., p. 96. 

K.-( P . 42.) 

" The tombs of Godfrey de Bouillon, and Baldwin his brother, 
(which drew forth the enthusiastic apostrophe of Chateaubriand 
in favour of his countrymen,) have been spitefully destroyed by 
their rivals the Greeks, so that not a vestige of them remains to 
mark even the spot whereon they stood." — BuckingJiam 's Travels 
in Palestine, p. 248. 

Dr. E. Clarke says, "the tombs were close by the entrance of the 
lower chapel of the Holy Sepulchre." The following is the trans- 
lation given by Fuller of the Latin inscription on Baldwin's tomb. 

9$altJfotn* anotfjo; Jftaccafa* for mtgf)t 
?^ope, i)t\v of fyt j£tate ano fcotf)'s tJcltg^t ; 
©*0ar, fotti) lEggpt'g ^an of i)tm afrato, 
9&louOg iBamagcug to i)tm tribute pa(t), 
&la$! \)txt in tins tomfo te lata. 

L.-(p. 44.) 

The leaders of the first, second, and third crusades, were in- 
duced to engage in those enterprises, in order to expiate their sins. 
Peter the Hermit had been dissolute in his youth, and visited the 
Holy Land as a penance. Louis VII., for having cruelly put to 
death the inhabitants of Vetri, determined to undertake the se- 
cond crusade, in order to atone for his crime. Henry II. was 
pardoned for the presumed murder of A'Becket, upon condition 
that he promised to undertake a crusade. His son, Richard, upon 



r 
APPENDIX. 169 

his death, undertook to fulfil this promise, and was urged to this 
line of conduct from a desire to do penance for his unfilial con- 
duct towards his deceased parent. 

M.— (p. 47.) 

The conduct of the Hospitallers at the siege of Ascalon, 
called forth the commendation of the Pope, who, in a bull 
directed to the Grand-Master, speaks thus favourably of the 
order : — 

" As you, my brethren, make so worthy an use of your goods 
and possessions, employing them for the maintenance of the poor, 
and entertainment of pilgrims, we forbid all the faithful, of what 
dignity soever they are, to exact the tythe of your lands, or to 
publish any ecclesiastical sentence of interdict, suspension, or 
excommunication, in the churches belonging to you ; and in case 
of a general interdict laid upon whole countries, you may still 
continue to have divine service said in your churches, provided it 
be done with the doors shut, and without ringing of bells. We 
grant you likewise the liberty of admitting priests and clerks, as 
well into your principal house of Jerusalem, as into the other 
subordinate houses that depend upon it. And if any bishops or 
ordinaries oppose it, you may nevertheless, in virtue of the autho- 
rity of the holy see, receive them after proper testimonials of 
their conduct ; and such priests and clerks shall be absolutely 
exempted from their jurisdiction, and be subject only to the holy 
see and your chapter. You may likewise receive laiks of free 
condition for the service of the poor. And as for such brothers 
as have been once admitted into your society, we forbid them to 
quit it, or to enter into any other order, under pretence of greater 
regularity. And with regard to the dedication of your churches, 
the consecration of your altars, and the ordination of your clergy, 
you shall ayjply to the bishop of the diocese, if he be in com- 
munion with the holy see, and will confer holy orders gratis ; but 
if not, you are authorised by the holy see to chuse any bishop 
you shall see fit. Moreover, we confirm anew all grants of lands 
and seignories in the present possession of your house, or which 
you shall hereafter acquire on this side the sea or beyond it ; as 
well in Europe as in Asia. In fine, when it shall please God to 
take you to himself, we ordain that your brother-hospitallers shall 



170 APPENDIX. 

have full and entire liberty to elect your successor, any force or con- 
trivance to the contrary whatsoever notwithstanding." — Vertot's 
History of the Knights of Malta. 

N.— (p. 47.) 
The subject of the disputes between Foucher, patriarch of 
Jerusalem, and the Knights Hospitallers is thus detailed in the 
Boyal MS. (Brit. Mus.) 15 E. 1, p. 294. cap. xiii. xiiij. (294). 

" Comment les prelats apres le complainte des Hospitalliers se 
partirent du JPappe sans pouvoir auoir aucun droit. 

" Le patriache et les autres prelats d'orient se presentment 
devant le sainct pere et les cardinaulx. Ilz ne leur furent mye 
trop bien receus. Aracois leur firent tous moult laide chiere 
tellement que des le premier iour de leur entree se peuvent au- 
cunement appercevoir a quelle fin leur besogne viendroit. Mais 
ilz estoient saiges hommes si n'en firent nul samblant et pour ce 
ne laisserent oncques a venir a la court, toutes les fois qu'ilz 
peurent entrer. De leurs besongnes parloient moult songneuse- 
ment aux cardinaulx et sie**oient le sainct pere par les eglises ou 
il alloit. 

" Maintes fois requirent qu'on les ouyst contre les hospital- 
liers adfin de leur faire droit. Beaucoup furent delayes mais au 
devrain leur donna Ten congie de racompter leur fait. Ceulx 
eurent asses saige conseil et fut leur raison moult bien contee. 
Apres ce iour on leur ordonna ung autre, puis le tiers, le quart, 
le quient, et moult estoient loing a loing. 

" Longuement eurent la demoure ne de riens n'estoient leurs 
besongnes avancees. Sy s'en commencerent a plaindre tant que 
bonnes gens vindrent au patriache qui eurent pitie de son travail 
et lui dirent que par leur conseil il ne se tarderoit plus la et le 
firent certain que les hospitalliers feroient contre lui et contre les 
eglises tout ce qu'ilz vOuldroient. Le bon homme qui bien le 
penssoit parce qu'il l'avoit veu le creut moult legierement. Sy 
prindrent congie lui et ses compaignons sans plus faire. Au 
retour se mist moult greve des cousts et des despens tout 
honteux. 

" De tous les cardinaulx ne peurent oncques trouver qui deuers 
eulx se tenissent par droit que deux. L'un d'eux avoit nom Octo- 



APPENDIX. 171 

vien l'autre Jehan de Sainct Martin cestui avoit este archediacre 
de Sur quant le patriache en avoit este archevesque. Bien 
eussent voullu ces deux qu'on fist raison a ces preudhommes 
mais ilz n'avoient mye le povoir contre tous les autres. Le sainct 
pere se partit de Ferentine et passa champaigne tant qu'il vint 
a Benevent." 

0.— (p. 55.) 
" The Earl of Albemarle, and others, went with the first cru- 
sade, and several English noblemen accompanied Louis VII. in 
the second ; but the cause was not national, nor by any means 
general." — Mills's History of the Crusades, vol. ii., p. 9. 

0.-(p. 71.) 
The cross-legged figures which are so numerous on sepulchral 
monuments, are supposed to have been representations of those 
who assumed the cross, or contributed to the expense of the cru- 
sades, as well as of those who actually visited Palestine. 

P.-(p. 71.) 
" Hubert Walter, the fifth Bishop of Salisbury, was elected at 
Pipewell, September 15, 1188, and consecrated, according to Le 
Neve, at Westminster, October 22 following. In the year 1190, 
he accompanied King Richard the First on his expedition to the 
Holy Land ; and .soon after his return to England, he was elected 
to the archiepiscopal see of Canterbury, in 1193." — Brittons 
Salisbury Cathedral, p. 17. 

Q.-(p. 74.) 
" There had been settled for several ages, in the mountains of 
Phoenicia, between Tortosa (or Antaradus, as it was then called) 
and the town of Tripoli, a sort of banditti, who seemed to be 
Mahomedans, but in reality had scarcely borrowed any thing from 
that sect, but their hatred of the Christian name. Their com- 
mander took on him no title but that of OLD, or Senior, a term 
from whence, in those times, was derived that of Seignior, which, 
in bastard Latin, signifies the same thing ; and he was called 
* The Seignior, or Old Man of the Mountain,' on account of 
the mountainous country which these banditti inhabited. The 



172 APPENDIX. 

Seignior of the Mountain made use of his followers to dispatch 
his particular enemies. Their palace was a sort of school of as- 
sassins, and it was not customary for these barbarians to carry any 
other arms than a poniard, called in the Persian language Has- 
sisin, from whence we have formed the word assassin." — Vertofs 
History of the Knights of Malta. 

R.— (p. 99.) 
" The Chronicle compiled at Saint Albans, anno 1483, printed 
by William Caxton, 1502, particularly relates the poysoning of 
King John. The Kyng came by the Abbey of Swynesheade, and 
there hee abode two dayes ; and as he sate at mete, he axed 
a Monke of the House, How moche that loaf was worth that was 
sette before hym uppon the table ? And the Monke said, That 
the loaf was worth but an halfpenny. said the King tho, Here 
is grete chepe of brede ; Now sayd he tho, an I may lyve ony 
while, such a loaf will be worth xx shillings or half a year be 
gone. And so when hee sayd this worde, moche hee thought, 
and often hee sighed, and toke and ete of the brede, and sayd ; 
By the worde that I have spoken it shall be soth. The Monke 
that stode before the Kynge was for this worde full sory at his 
herte, and thought rather hee would hymselfe suffre deth, and 
thought yf he might ordeyne therefore some manere remedye. 
And anone the Monke wente unto his Abbot and was shriven of 
hym, and tolde the Abbot all that the Kynge had sayd ; and 
prayed his Abbot for to assoyle him, for he would gyve the 
Kynge such a drynke, that all Englonde shold be glad thereof 
and joyfull. Tho yede the Monke into a gardeyne, and founde 
a grete Tode therein, and toke her up and put her in a cuppe, and 
prycked the Tode thorugh with a broche many tymes, tyll that 
the venym came out of every syde in the cuppe. And tho toke 
the cuppe and filled it with good ale, and brought it before the 
Kynge, knelynge sayenge ; Sir, sayd hee, wassayll, for never the 
dayes of all your lyfe dronke ye of so good a cuppe. Begyn 
Monke, sayd the Kynge ; and the Monke drank a grete draught, 
and toke the Kynge the cuppe, and the Kynge dranke also a grete 
draught and set down the cuppe. The Monke anone ryght went 
into fyrmerye and there dyed anone, on whoos soule God have 
mercy. Amen. And fyve Monke synge for his soul specially, 



APPENDIX. 173 

and shall, whyle that the Abbaye standeth. The Kynge rose up 
anone full evyll at ease, and commanded to remove the table, 
and axed after the Monke; and men tolde hym that hee was 
dead, for his wombe was broken in sundre. Whan the Kynge 
herde this, he commaunded for to trusse, but it was for nought, 
for his belly began to swelle for the dryncke that he had dronke, 
and in the two days hee deyed ; on the morrowe after Saynt 
Luke's daye." — Prynne, p. 37. 

S.— (p. 109.) 
In the Retrospective Review, there are the following judicious 
remarks (in the review of a work entitled Nicolai Gutleri His- 
toria Templariorum, Jlmstelodam, 8vo., 1703,) upon the subject 
of the suppression of the order of the Knights Templars. " The 
quarrel of the French king with the sovereign pontiff, Boniface 
VIII., is the first circumstance of his reign which seems in 
any degree to elucidate this question. The imperious obstinacy 
and the unappeasable rancour of the French monarch, gave this 
contest a character of personal animosity, which raised in the 
mind of Philip an insuperable feeling of hatred towards all 
those who had rendered any assistance to his great enemy. The 
Templars, it seems, had been guilty of this offence. {Ventura 
Chron. Astense, c. xxvii. t. xi. p. 192, cited by Sismondi, Rep. 
Ital, vol. iv., c. 26.) 

" Although possessed of considerable revenues, Philip was 
always poor ; and to supply his wants, he resorted to means 
alike disgraceful to himself, and injurious to his subjects. But to 
accomplish the destruction of a noble and gallant order, whose 
riches and influence were alike to be dreaded, and who reckoned 
among their numbers some of the highest and the proudest of the 
land, was a task which required the most subtle contrivance. The 
golden reward, however, was sufficient to tempt the avarice of 
Philip, and his unfeeling and obstinate temper was a guarantee 
for his success. It is true, that by the decrees of the Council of 
Vienne, the estates of the Templars were all conferred on the 
order of St. John of Jerusalem ; but it was nearly ten years before 
the French king could be prevailed upon entirely to yield them 
up. It required the utmost exertion of the joint influence of the 
Pope and Philip to induce Edward II. of England to unite in this 



174 APPENDIX. 

foul conspiracy. Strongly convinced of the innocence of the 
accused, he applied to the Pope in their behalf. He even addressed 
letters to several of the sovereigns of Europe, beseeching them 
not to give ear to the injurious aspersions which had been cast on 
the characters of this faithful and valiant soldiery. 

" But the malignity of Philip* would not be thus disappointed. 
He despatched ambassadors to the court of England, and his son- 
in-law, yielding at last to his repeated instances, consented to 
investigate the conduct of the order. The English Templars were 
cast into prison, but the atrocities which marked the proceedings 
against the order in France were not committed here, though the 
Pope, in the plenitude of his fatherly affection, mildly censured 
the English monarch for having forbidden the use of the torture." 

We refer the reader to the following works for further matter 
relating to the suppression of the Knights Templars : — Nicolai 
Gutleri Historia Templariorum ; Monumens Historiques relatifs 
a la Condemnation des Chevaliers du Temple, par M. Eaynouard; 
Mills's History of the Crusades ; Stebbing's History of Chivalry 
and the Crusades ; Fuller's Holy War, book v., c. 3 ; Wilkin's 
Concilia, ii., 329 ; Rymer's Fcedera, vol. ii., p. 10, &c. ; Dugdale's 
Monasticon Anglicanum (new edit.) ; Proces contra Templar, cited 
in Raynouard, p. 60 ; Bower's History of the Popes, vol. vi., 
p. 402. 

T.— (p. 120.) 
" In addition to this present, Henry VIII. promised Villiers 
twenty thousand crowns, the value of which he afterwards paid 
in artillery and fire arms." 

U.— (p. 130.) 
Nuper Prior- Compota omnium et singulorum Ballivorum prsepo- 

atus sive Hos- -r-,. ~, •,, . ,. ~» • 

pitalis Sancti sl torum Jb irmarum Collectorum ac aliorum officiorum 

Johannis Jero- e t ministrorum quorumcunque omnium et singulorum 

solumm in j . 

Anglid. dommiorum manenorum terrarum tenementorum rec- 

toriarum decimarum pentionum portionum ac aliorum 

* The following was the respectful mode in which one of her most Christian 
sons addressed the head of the holy Catholic Church : " Philip, by the grace of 
God, &c. to Boniface, the pretended Pope, little greeting or uone. Be it known 
to your Supreme Foohhip," &c. (Sciat maxima tua fatuitas. Rayn. vii.) 



APPENDIX. 175 

possessionum et hereditamentorum tarn temporalium 
quam spiritualium eidem nuper Prioratui sive Hos- 
pitali Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia praedicto' 
pertinentium sive spectantium. Quae dudum ad manus 
domini nostri nunc Henrici octavi Dei gratia Angliae 
et Franciae Regis fidei defensoris domini Hiberniae ac 
in terra supremi capitis Anglicanoe Ecclesiae existenti 
devenerunt ratione et praetextu ejusdam actus Parli- 
amenti inde edita et provisa tenta apud Westmonas- 
5 ic> terium die mensis anno regni dicti domini Regis 

xxxii d0 prout in eodem actu apparer' poterit. Vide- 
licet de exitibus et reventionibus omnium et singu- 
lorum dominiorum maneriorum terrarum tenemento- 
rum et caeterorum praemissorum supra dictorum a 
festo Sancti Michaelis Archangeli anno regni dicti 
domini Regis xxxi mo usque idem festum Sancti 
Michaelis Archangeli extunc proximum sequens anno 
regni praedicti domini Regis xxxii do scilicet per unum 
annum integrum. 



Manerium de Compotus Henrici Hale firmarii ibidem per tempus 

Maplested in prsedictum> 

Comitatu Ls- c 
sexva. 

Arreragia. Nulla quia primus compotus pro domino ipsius 
nunc computant post dissolutionem dicti nuper prio- 
ratui. a Summa nulla. 
Firma. Set redditus de xl. xiiis. iiii^. de praedicto Henrico 
Hale pro firma manerii de Maplested praedicti cum 
omnibus terris et tenementis pratis pascuis et pasturis 
redditibus et serviciis cum omnibus proficuis com- 
moditatibus qualitercumque spectantibus et pertinen- 
tibus boscis subboscis wardis maritagiis et medietate 
omnium relevium finium et escaetriae advocationum 
ecclesiarum tantummodo except' sic ei dimiss' per 
indenturam sub sigillo communi nuper Prioratui 
Sancti Johannis Jerusalem in Anglia dat' xviii die 
Maii anno regni Regis Henrici octavi x m0 habend 
sibi et assignatis suis a festo Annunciationis Beatae 



176 APPENDIX. 

Firma. Mariae Virginis ultimo praeterito ante dat praesentium 
usque ad finem et terminum xxix annorum extunc 
proximum sequentem et plenarie complend' reddend' 
inde per annum ad festa Annunciationis Beatae Mariae 
Virginis et Sancti Michaelis Archangeli equaliter ut 
supra ac supportand' omnia onera ordinaria et extra- 
ordinaria exeuntia de praedicto manerio cum perti- 
nentiis durante termino praedicto. Et dictus firmarius 
et assigiiati sui sufficienter reparabunt dictum mane- 
rium cum pertinentiis ut in sepibus fossatis et palis 
durante termino praedicto praeteria dictus firmarius 
et assignati sui habebunt sufficienter hedgebote 
ploughbote cartbote foldbote housebote et fyrebote 
in et de boscis subboscis eidem manerio pertinen- 
tibus rationabi liter et sine vasto expenden' durante 
eodem termino prout in eadem indentura plenius 
apparet. 

Summa firmae xl. xiiis. iiik?. de quibus exoneratur 
hie cvis. viiid. de et pro tanto denario per Williel- 
mum Weston militem nuper priorem prioratus prae- 
dict' receptor' pro firma manerii praedicti debit' ad 
festum Annunciationis Beatae Mariae Virginis ante 
tempus dissolutionis dicti nuper prioratus infra tem- 
pus hujus compoti acciden' per sacramentum dicti 
firmarii coram auditor' praestit. Et debet cvis. viiid. 
q' liberavit Mauricio Dennys armigero, receptore 
omnium terrarum et possessionum nuper prioratus 
praedicti xi die Novembris anno xxxii do domini Regis 
nunc Henrici octavi prout per billam inde super hunc 
compotum restitut' apparet. 

V._ (p. 139.) 
We are not aware of the number of chapels now belonging to 
the Sabbatarians, or the places where they are situate ; but it is 
collected from the deeds belonging to the Davis's Charity estates, 
that in the year 1706, there were chapels at London, Norwalston, 
Woodbridge, Chertsey, Braintree, Wallingford, Tewkesbury, 
Salisbury, and Sherbourn. In 1780, the chapels at the above 
places, with the exception of that at Tewkesbury, were left 



APPENDIX. 177 

without congregations, but one existed at Nattin, near Tewkes- 
bury, and another at Cripplegate, London. We are informed, 
that there are only six members of the Sabbatarian persuasion 
connected at this time with the chapel in Mill Yard, London. 

W.— (p. 141.) 
Thomas Park, Esq., (a trustee of Davis's Charity estates,) for- 
merly F.S.A., died Nov. 26, 1835, at Church Eow, Hampstead. 
He was a poet, and well known editor of early literature. Among 
his original works are the following : — " Sonnets, and other small 
Poems;" "Poetic Illustrations to Cupid turned Volunteer;" 
several poetical articles in Nichols's Progresses of Queen Eliza- 
beth ; " Nugae Modernae, — Morning Thoughts and Midnight 
Musings, in prose and verse." In the introduction to this last 
volume, our author alluded to several parochial appointments held 
by him at Hampstead, and stated that he " indulged a conscien- 
tious persuasion, that the duties connected with them were 

" More befitting to a head grown grey, 
And heart much travell'd in affliction's way, 
Than UNCIAL characters of F.S.A." 

Mr. Park published several works of a religious character, viz. 
an excellent "Treatise on the Advantages of Early Rising;" 
" Solacing Verses for Serious Times, and for all Times," and some 
cards of " Christian Remembrance, or Plain Clue to the Gospel 
of Peace." 

The works edited by Mr. Park were as follows, viz. — " Nugse 
Antiquae;" " Walpole's Catalogue of Royal and Noble Authors;" 
" Ritson's Collection of English Songs ;" and " Heliconia," con- 
sisting of poetry of the Elizabethan age. He was also engaged 
in superintending the reprint of the Harleian Miscellany, and 
was a coadjutor of Sir Egerton Brydges and the late Mr. 
Hazlewood in the Censura Literaria, British Bibliographer, and 
other bibliographical works. Mr. Park had an only son, the late 
John James Park, Esq., (also a trustee of Davis's Charity estates,) 
who held the chair of Professor of English Law and Jurispru- 
dence at King's College, London. When quite a youth, he pub- 
lished the Parochial History and Antiquities of Hampstead, — a 
work which would have conferred credit on an author of mature 
years, and which is indeed one of the most judicious and most 

N 



178 APPENDIX. 

complete parochial histories that have ever been published. The 
following are among his other works : — a Tract on Tithes ; a 
Treatise on the Law of Dower ; Three juridical Letters, under 
the name of Eunomos, addressed to the Right Honourable Robert 
Peel, in reference to the Crisis of Law Reform ; an Opening 
Lecture on his appointment to the Chair of the Professor of Law 
and Jurisprudence at King's College, and several others inserted 
in the Legal Observer. Mr. Park was created a Doctor of Laws 
by the university of Gottingen. His merits were duly estimated 
by the few intimate friends with whom he associated, and with 
this he was satisfied. He died at Brighton, June 23, 1833, aged 
thirty-eight. 

The bereavement which Mr. Park, sen. suffered by the death 
of his highly talented and amiable son, was not merely an afflic- 
tion to his parental feelings, but it was also a serious deprivation 
to his pecuniary circumstances ; for he had advanced his means 
to the utmost towards assisting his son in his arduous profession, 
and the return which he had expected from his son's eminent 
talents was thus suddenly snatched from him. To this and every 
other dispensation of the Almighty, Mr. Park submitted without 
a murmur, for he was influenced by a deep sense of Christian 
piety. He has left four daughters, (one of them married,) the 
survivors of a numerous family. 

Condensed from the Obituary of the Gentleman's Magazine 
for 1833 and 1835. 

X.— (p. 143.) 

Register Munimentorum Nominum Magistrorum Prioratus Hospitalis 

Sancti Joan. Jerusalem in Anglia. 

BIBL. COTTON. NERO, E. VI. 

Mapeltrested. Folio 305, ^f viij. 

Confirmacio sive institutio in ecclesiam de parva Mapeltrestede 

per Episcopum Londonensis. 
Donacio ville de parva Mapeltrestede per Julianam filiam Roberti 

Dosnelli. 
Confirmacio Wilhelmi filij Aldelini de villa de parva Mapletres- 

tede. 
Carta Roberti de Ver Comitis Oxoniee de ij solidatis redditus 

ibidem. 









APPENDIX. 179 

Carta hospitalis de uno mesuagio cum quadam crofta in villa de 

Markeshalla. 
Carta Hugonis de Hodyngges de una acra terre in parochia de 

Mapeltrestrede magna cum alijs. 

Folio 306. 

Carta Hugonis de Hodynges de Warino longo cum terra quam 
tenuit in Mapeltrestede. 

Quieta clamacio Kadulphi filij Hugonis de Hodynges de una libra 
cummini. 

Carta Johannis Dyn militis de dimidia acra pasture. 

Carta dominae Margerie Dyn de tribus acris una roda ac xiiij. 
perticates. 

Carta Johannis de Hodingges de terra sua in villa de Mapeltres- 
tede. 

Folio 307. 

Concordia fmalis de septem acris Alneti. 

Carta Abbatis et Conventus de Strateforde de quinque acris et una 

roda terre cum alijs in Mapeltrestede. 
Carta Stephani de Cameis de terra sua in Mapeltrestede. 

Folio 308. 

Carta Willielmi Joy de una roda terre cum pertinentijs. 

Carta Willielmi Joie de duobus denarijs datisa^ lumen Capelle de 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta ejusdem Willielmi de quatuor acris terre in Mapeltrestede 

parva. 
Carta eiusdem Willielmi Joie de una pecia terre in parochia de 

parva Mapeltrestede. 
Carta eiusdem Willielmi de duabus acris terre ibidem. 
Convencio inter Willielmum Joie et Simonem Odwell de predictis 

duabus acris. 
Carta e Willielmo filio Willielmi Joie de terris suis in villis de 

Mapeltrestede, Hansted et Gestingthorpe. 

Folio 309. 

Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi Joie de una acra terre in parva 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta Simonis de Fonte de Sexdecim denarijs annui redditus in 

eadem. 

n 2 



180 APPENDIX. 

Carta Rogeri le Bockere de predictis sex denarijs annui redditus 
in eadem. 

Carta Walteri Lovedai de quodam crofto ibidem. 

Carta domini Osberti de Gladfen de connrmacione de tribus de- 
narijs redditus quos Walterus predictus dedit. 

Carta eiusdem de Warino longo cum sequela et terra sua. 

Carta Ricardi Gernun filij Osberti Gladefen de Waltero Lovedaie 
cum omnibus bonis suis. 

Folio 310. 

Carta Roberti de Herlane de quatuordecim denarijs redditus 

ibidem. 
Carta Roberti de Herlane de septem acris terre. 
Carta eiusdem Roberti de duodecim denarijs annui redditus in 

parva Mapeltrestede. 
Quieta clamacio Roberti de Herlane de redditu in Hokhofte. 
Carta Jobannis Herlane et vxoris sue de una particula prati 

ibidem. 
Carta Andree de Heliun de quatuor denarijs redditus de duabus 

acris in Holemedewe. 
Carta Johannis filij Lamberti de Bumstede de dimidia libra pipe- 

ris pro prato de Holemede. 

Folio 311. 
Carta Jocelini de Enfelt de una acra terre in parochia de Tilburi. 
Carta Cristine quondam vxoris Gilberti de Londonio de novem 

denarijs redditus in eadem villa. 
Carta Phillippi filij Acceline de terra in eadem villa. 
Carta Ide quondam filie Ricardi Utlaw de quinque acris terre et 

dimidia acra prati cum pertinentijs. 
Quieta clamacio dicte Ide de sex denarijs redditus et redditu 

duorum caponum. 
Quieta clamacio dicte Ide de quinque acris terre et dimidia acra 

prati predicti. 
Carta Ricardi Burre de Selewe de sex denarijs annui redditus in 

villa de Selewe. 

Folio 312. 

Carta Rogeri de Hanhaule de una acra terre in parochia de Se- 
lewes. 



APPENDIX. 



181 



Carta Rogeri Sweyn de viginti denarijs in villa de Ouitune pro 

quadam terra vocata Brecteslonde. 
Quieta clamacio Henrici de Ouynton de septem denarijs. 
Carta Mauricij de Olmestede de Gilberto filio Huberti de Swape- 

ham nativo cum sequela, &c. 
Carta Galfridi filij Willielmi de Swapham de uno mesuagio et 

decern acris terre in villa de Olmstede. 
Carta Willielmi Baldewine de Hamsted de duobus denarijs annui 

redditus. 
Quieta clamacio Johannis Cristemasse de Olmstede de una via 

ibidem. 

Folio 313. 

Carta Johannis filij Alfwini de obolo annui redditus. 

Carta Laurencij filij Hugonis de duobus denarijs in Mapeltrestede. 

Carta Walteri filij Hervei de tercia parte bonorum suorum et 

heredum suorum in obitu. 
Carta Miehaelis de Bencham de sex quarterijs frumenti et avenc. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Miehaelis de quodam tenemento in pa- 

rochia de Alfemastone. 
Quieta clamacio Henrici filij Johannis de Lamburne de diversis 

terris. 
Quieta clamacio dicti Johannis et vxoris sue de dictis terris. 
Carta prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de una Roda prati cum perti- 

nentijs in parochia de Mapeltrestede. 

Folio 314. 

Carta Ide de Gelham de Warino longo nativo cum sequela sua in 

Mapeltrestede parua. 
Carta dicte Tde de servicio dicti Warini longi in eadem villa. 
Carta dicte Ide de una libra Cumini in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio domini Willielmi Giffard Militis de tribus acris 

et una roda terre cum pertinentijs. 
Carta dicti Willielmi de octodecim denarijs in parochia de 

Rawere. 
Carta Walteri Pulaine de terra sua in parva Mapeltrestede. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Walteri de terra sua in eadem villa. 
Carta Willielmi Colum filij dicti Walteri de terra sua in eadem. 
Quieta clamacio predicti Walteri de terra ibidem quam habuit in 

escambio pro ecclesia de parva Maplestrestede. 



182 



'APPENDIX. 



Folio 315. 

Confirmacio Willielmi filij Walteri Poleine de terra quam pater 
suus dedit in parva Mapeltrestede. 

Carta Radulphi Gernun de redditu eujusdam tenementi in eadem 
villa. 

Carta Willielmi de Arde de terra sua et mesuagio in Mapeltres- 
tede magna. 

Carta Cristine filie Roberti de predictis terrae et mesuagio. 

Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de quodam Chimino in Mapel- 
trestede parva. 

Carta Mauricij Hurande de uno denario annualis redditus ibidem. 

Concordia inter Priorem Hospitalis et Warinum Pestur de decern 
et octo acris terre in eadem villa 

Folio 316. 

Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de terra in Quendene. 

Carta Ricardi Huggele filij Johannis de quinque solidis annui 

redditus in villa de Huggele. 
Carta Walteri filij Nigelli de duobus denarijs annui redditus pro 

dimidia acra terre in Lindesella. 
Quieta clamacio Godfridi de Liston de homagio, &c. que habuit 

in Waltero de Hanckwod et heredibus suis. 
Quieta clamacio Roberti de Heringeia de terra in parocbia de 

Bilichangre. 
Quieta clamacio Nigelli filij Willielmi de duodecim denarijs annui 

redditus in Esteforde. 
Quieta clamacio Galfridi de Sericho de duodecim denarijs in pa- 
rocbia de Assendona. 
Quieta clamacio Thome filij Michaelis Fifyde in uno denario 

annualis redditus. 

Folio 317. 
Carta hospitalis de quinque acris terre cum perthaentijs in parva 

Mapeltrestede. 
Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi de Stubleghe de octo denarijs. 
Carta Galfridi Gurray de Hanstede de sex denarijs annui redditus. 
Carta Radulphi Martin de sex denarijs annui redditus. 
Quieta clamacio Roberti de Shelton de Radulpho Attemere cum 

sequela sua. 
Quieta clamacio Roesie Lotricis de tenemento in parva Mapeltrestede. 



APPENDIX. 



183 



Carta Radulphi de Essoot de sex denarijs annuatim per ipsum 

solvendis 
Carta Willielmi filij Henrici de Halsted de quadraginta solidis 

solvendis. 
Carta Christine Produmes de terra quam tenuit de Hospitali in 

Mapeltrestede. 

Folio 318. 
Quieta clamacio Thome de la Brok de una pecia terre quam 

Walterus Pistor tenuit. 
Quieta clamacio domini Roberti le Oterer Militis de quodam 

tenemento. 
Carta Roberti filij Rogeri Fabri de quatuor denarijs annualis 

redditus. 
Carta Simonis de Nerforde de tribus denarijs redditus in villa 

de Pebners. 
Carta Willielmi de Warwik de tribus denarijs annui redditus. 
Carta Huberti de Munchenesy de duabus acris et una roda terre 

in parva Mapeltrestede. 
Carta Nicholae de Sancheuerelle de tribus denarijs redditus in villa 

de Newham. 
Carta Willielmi de Crikeshey de redditu in villa de Crikeshey. 

Folio 319. 

Conuencio inter Walterum nlium Dauid et Galfridum de Helum 
de sexdecim acris terre, &c. 

Carta Galfridi de Biskeleya de homagio et servicio de terra in villa 
de Mapeltrestede magna. 

Carta Johannis Fraunces de una pecia prati et una crofta in 
eadem villa. 

Quieta clamacio Roesie at Thorne de una virgata terre cum alijs 
in Mapeltrestede et Gestingthorpe. 

Convencio inter Radulphum de Wethirden et Robertum Wall de 
tenemento in Mapeltrestede. 

Carta Thome de Huntercombe de tercia parte prati sui in Mapel- 
trestede magna. 

Folio 320. 

Carta Sarre vxoris Radulphi Wethirden de tribus rodis terre in 

eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Sarre de una pecia terre in eadem villa. 



184 APPENDIX. 

Carta Thome Harewarde de tribus denarijs annualis redditus in 

eadem. 
Acquietancia Thome Herewarde de quadraginta solidis pro terris 

in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Thome de tribus solidis et tribus denarijs 

in eadem. 
Carta eiusdem Thome de sex solidis et octo denarijs. 
Carta eiusdem Thome de predicto redditu sex solidorum et octo 

denariorum. 

Folio 321. 

Carta Johannis de Shepherde de duobus denarijs in Mapeltrested 
parua. 

Carta Roberti Perpounde de Centum et quatuor viginti acris terre 
cum alijs in Mapeltrestede. 

Carta Katerine de Panimere de uno mesuagio cum domibus super- 
edificatis in Mapeltrestede parva. 

Quieta clamacio Thome at Portweie de quodam cotagio in Mapel- 
trestede. 

Carta Johannis Forester vicarij de Mapeltrestede de tribus rodis 
terre in eadem villa. 

Carta Ricardi at Wode et Ricardi Frere de dictis tribus rodis 
terre in eadem villa. 

Folio 322. 

Convencio interPrioremetfratres Hospitalis et Robertum Muskam 

et Thomam Scwale de libera via inter Mapeltrestede et Mane- 

rium de Odwella. 
Carta E. Bolomensis Comitis de terra in Cristeshallia. 
Carta Roberti Lucy de eadem terra in Cristeshallia cum incre- 

manto. 
Carta eiusdem Roberti de terra ilia quam Odo tenuit in eadem villa. 
Confirmacio Roberti Lucy de lxxx acris ibidem. 
Carta Ricardi de Lucy de viginti solidis redditus in Angra. 
Carta Beatricis de Lucy de decern acris terre in Cristeshallia cum 

alijs decern in Elmedone. 
Carta Jordani de Avenilla de confirmacione dictarum decern 

acrarum in Elmedone cum alijs. 
Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de tota terra in Cristeshallia 

facta Jordano Camerario. 



APPENDIX. 185 

Confirmacio Petri de Val. de terra de Lamburne quam Willielmus 

de Bosco dedit. 

Folio 323. 
Carta Johannis le Sawier et vxoris sue de terra sua cum alijs per- 

tinentijs in villa de Lamburne. 
Concordia finalis inter Priorem Hospitalis et Johannem le Sawyer 

de quindecim acris terre in villa de Lamburne. 
Carta Andree filij Philippi de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa 

de Lamburne. 
Carta Johannis Nasinge de uno denario redditus in parochia de 

Lamburne. 
Carta Edwardi Bisshop de una acra et dimidia terra cum uno 

mesuagio et curtilagio in Lamburne. 
Quieta clamacio Matildis filie Walteri Spark de decern acris terre 

in Lamburne. 
Quieta clamacio Cecilie filie Walteri Spark de quinque acris terre 

in eadem villa. 

Folio 324. 
Carta Rogeri filij Ricardi de una acra terre cum uno curtilagio et 

alijs in villa de Lamburne. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Rogeri de tota terra sua in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Rogeri de una crofta terre cum pertinentijs in 

parochia de Lamburne. 
Confirmacio Mauricij de Totham de tribus solidis in villa de 

Totham magna. 
Carta eiusdem Mauricij de mansura et terra in eadem villa. 
Carta Roberti Jop de terra quam tenuit de priore de Newarc in 

Tholeshunt parva. 
Carta Rogeri Feringes Militis de terra quam habuit de dono dicti 

Ricardi in eadem villa. 

Folio 325. 
Carta Amicie filie Roberti de sex denarijs redditus in Tolles- 

hunte. 
Carta Radulphi de Bello Campo de quatuor acris terre in Bello 

Campo. 
Carta eiusdem de dictis quatuor acris terre. 
Carta Willielmi filij Ricardi de Homagio et servicio quod Gal- 

fridus clericus debuit de iij acris terre in eadem villa. 



186 APPENDIX. 

Carta Thome Daunmartin de duabus acris terre in parochia de 

Beuchampe. 
Quieta clamacio Alexandri Bunche de uno denario redditus cum 

alijs in villa de Bello Campo. 
Carta Constancie Hovinge de sexdecim denarijs redditus in villa 

de Colecestria. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Constancie de Mesuagio cum edificijs in 

eadem villa. 

Folio 32b'. 
Carta Magistri de Mapeltrestede in domo in parochia sancti 

Nicholai Colcestrie. 
Quieta clamacio Constancie Hovinge de domo in predicta pa- 
rochia Colcestrie. 
Littera attornata Henrici de Lacy de tenemento cum alijs perti- 

nentijs in foro Colcestrie. 
Quieta clamacio Elie de Salcote de quodam mesuagio in parochia 

Sancti Nicholai Colcestrie. 
Carta Simonis Petri filij de sexdecim denarijs annui redditus in 

villa de Colcestria. 
Quieta clamacio Henrici Wensy et Gilherti Hardelli de tenemento 

in foro Colcestrie. 
Carta Simonis filij Godfridi de tribus soli datis redditus in suburbio 

Colcestrie. 

Folio 327. 
Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de tenemento quod Walterus 

Hovynge tenuit Colcestria. 
Carta Ricardi Bercholte de Mesuagio quod emit de domo Hos- 
pitalis sancti Nicholai Colcestria. 
Carta Johannis de Berholte et Thome filij Ricardi Clerici de 

seruicijs de quodam tenemento predicto in Colcestria. 
Carta Johannis filij Roberti de duabus Cameris in Colcestria. 
Carta Hospitalis de uno Mesuagio in Colcestria. 
Carta Ricardi filij Nicholai Medici de quatuor denarijs in suburbio 

Colcestrie extra portam orientalem. 

Folio 328. 
Carta Ambrosij de parva Perenden de Willielmo Potier de terra sua. 
Carta Roberti Perendune de terra quam Willielmus et Baldwinus 
tenuerunt. 



APPENDIX. 187 

Quieta clamacio Petri Clerici de Westcomstowe de tenemento in 

villa de Perendone. 
Carta Reginaldi de Perendone de terra quam pater suus dedit 

cum alijs undecim acris terre. 
Carta Alexandri de Wikes de terra sua in Colcestria. 
Carta Ricardi de Essars de terra in Halsted. 
Confirmacio Roberti de Wateville de tribus acris terre quas 

Thebaldus et heredes sui dederunt. 
Carta Henrici de Essexia Constabulary Regis de una marca de 

Manerio suo de Estwod. 

Folio 329. 
Carta Willielmi de Canteleu et uxoris sue de quatuor acris terre. 
Carta Ingeleri de Cantelupo de sepi in parochia de Pebners. 
Carta eiusdem de eadem sepi et de quodam fossato ibidem. 
Carta eiusdem Ingeleri de quadam particula terre. 
Carta eiusdem de terra in villa de Pebners. 
Carta Willielmi de Canteleu de terra quam Hugo Broc dedit. 
Carta Radulpbi filij Walteri et Willielmi filij sui. 
Carta Ricardi de Badenen de decern acris terre in Acheleia. 
Carta Willielmi de Helum de quinque acris terre et dimidia cum 

mansura in Haverhille. 
Carta Fulcheri filij Willielmi de una acra terre in Benflete. 

Folio 330. 
Carta Lamberti de Kerlevilla de quatuor acris terre in Liverichie. 
Carta Roberti Monachi de tribus acris terre apud Cakesbrige. 
Carta Gilberti Anglici de duabus acris terre et vna roda terre. 
Carta Eutropij de Merk de una acra terre. 
Carta Hugonis de Buteneia de terra in Wahefennia. 
Carta Galfridi de Offintone de Johanne Wilde nativo et terra 

quam de ipso tenuit. 
Carta Willielmi dictus fades lupi de una acra terre et Humfrido 

nativo. 
Carta Hugonis Furrett de quinque acris terre in Haiden. 
Carta Roberti filij Henrici de duabus acris in Bradwella cum alijs 

ibidem. 
Carta Ricardi Whitinge de quatuor acris terre et una tofta. 
Carta Graelinge de Thame de terra sua. 
Carta Junij filij Eruisij de terra sua quam Peuerell tenuit. 



188 APPENDIX. 

Carta Roberti filij Hamonis de una acra terre quam Gilbertus 

filius Angodi dedit. 
Carta domini Mahel Peverell et uxoris eius de vj acris terre, &c. 
Carta Eustachij de Cortun de terra de tenura de Tendringes. 

Folio 331. 
Carta Ricardi Wastenelli de una acra et una roda. 
Carta Baldewini Tirelli de una acra terre. 

Carta Warini Juvenis de terra Johannis de la Stane iuxta Whitwell. 
Carta Philippi filij Vitalis de Waltham de terra sua et duabus 

acris 
Carta Willielmi de Taiden et Beatricis uxoris sue de duabus acris 

in Wacheringe. 
Carta Willielmi de Capra de duodecim denarijs. 
Carta Ricardi Witinge de dimidia acra terre. 
Carta Gilberti filij Marie de una acra terre in Mesbury. 
Carta Hugonis de sancto claro de una virgata terre in Citona. 
Carta Radulphi de Marci de quinque acris terre in Langfare. 
Carta Turoldi de Barbam de terra in Smethet. 
Confirmacio Arnulfi de Curtenia de terra quam pater suus dedit 

in Bradfelde. 
Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de terra de Hobrigges. 
Carta Willielmi de Clintuna de redditu trium solidorum in Stisted. 
Confirmacio Willielmi de Bosco de dimidia virgata terre in 

Taidena. 
Carta Willielmi de Bosco de undecim acris terre. 

Folio 332. 
Carta Petri de Bosco de servicio Ricardi filij Willielmi de Sudbury. 
Carta Roberti filij Gilberti de una acra terre. 
Carta Ricardi de Chippenham de una hoga. 

Carta Galfridi filij Rogeri de servicio quod frater suus sibi debuit. 
Carta Ade filij Warini de quadam terra in campo vocato Bin- 

nesley. 
Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de terra apud Binnesleiam. 
Carta Roberti de la Marc de confirmacione doni patris sui in 

Perendune parva. 
Carta Walteri de Mandevilla de sex acris terre in Bromfelde. 
Confirmacio Galfridi Comitis de Mandevilla de quinque acris 

terre in Sabrightesworthe. 



APPENDIX. 189 

Confirmacio Thome de Mandevilla filij Gilberti de Mandevilla de 

sex acris terre in Bromfelde. 
Confirmacio eiusdem Thome de decern denarijs redditus in campo 

vocato Bromcrofte. 

Folio 333. 
Carta Michaelis Beseuile de terra de Wrethewella in parochia de 

Sabrightes worth . 
Confirmacio Roberti de Helum de terra que fuit Godwini fabri de 

Sturmere. 
Confirmacio dicti Roberti de terra quam Willielmus frater suus 

dedit in villa de Sturmere. 
Carta Ailwardi Camerarij et uxoris sue de octo acris et dimidia 

terre et dimidia acra prati in Sturmere. 
Carta Damisele Roise de Helum de undecim acris terre in villa 

de Sturmere. 
Carta eiusdem de triginta acris terre in Sturmere et tribus solidis 

redditus. 
Carta Vincencij filij Willielmi filij Mabilie de tenemento in 

eadem villa. 
Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de servicio quod Galfridus filius 

Spakingi debuit in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi le White de quodam mesuagio cum 

domo cum terra in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio Isabelle Forolte de tercia parte unius pecie terre. 

Folio 334. 
Quieta clamacio dicte Isabelle de alia tercia parte pecie terre. 
Carta Walteri de Burhallia de uno denario in villa de Sturmere. 
Carta Frarici de Burnham de duobus denarijs in Sturmere. 
Carta Galfridi Monachi de quinque solidis redditus in villa sua 

de Aistana. 
Carta Baldewini de Witsand de Guidone cum dimidia acra terre. 
Carta eiusdem de tribus virgatis terre in Elvesham. 
Carta Roberti Hustard de una acra terre. 
Carta Roberti filij Roberti filij Godebaldi de terra quam Semarus 

Molendinarius tenuit. 
Carta Petri de Halstede de duabus acris terre in Bello Campo. 

Folio 335. 
Carta Silvestri filij Simonis de tribus acris terre in Hallingburne. 



190 APPENDIX. 

Carta A. Peuer de terra Willielmi Diaboli cum xij denarijs. 
Carta Roberti de Besevile et Albre de Tresgod de terra in villa de 

Aspehallia. 
Carta Alani de Scredintune de tribus acris terre in Sortegraue. 
Carta Willielmi filij Galimi de terra in Bilichangre. 
Carta Walteri filij Roberti de dextrario et armis suis. 
Carta Galfridi Ailwarton de tofto in Euerwardeston. 
Carta Willielmi Faucelli de terra sua iacente inter nemus de 

Euchai et cheminum qui extenditur, &c. 
Confirmacio Idonis de Hispania de una acra terre et una pertica 

prati. 
Carta Ade de Berneford et vxoris sue de iiij ta parte dominij sui in 

Derneforde, &c. 

Folio 336. 

Carta Simonis del Hirste de duabus acris terre. 

Carta Baldewini Witsande de tribus virgatis terre in Elvesham. 

Carta Ricardi filij Mauricij de octo acris terre in parocbia sancte 

Osithe. 
Carta Osberti filij Willielmi de Gladfen de terra quam Reginaldus 

et Ailmarus tenuerunt. 
Carta Rogeri de Eiswello de mansura cum domo vbi Nigellus 

faber mansit. 
Confirmacio Petri Wastinelli de sex acris terre in Hatenho quas 

pater suus dedit. 
Carta Willielmi filij Otonis de Lewino Ledmeham nativo cum 

sequela sua. 
Carta Simonis de Roinges de duabus acris terre in Roinges sancte 

Margarete. 

Folio 337. 

Carta Elie filij Ricardi de una acra terre in Bridebrook. 
Carta Alexandri de Berkynges de Managio iuxta Lokesforde. 
Carta Triende Hugelli de mesuagio quod erat Hugonis patris 

sui. 
Convencio inter fratres Hospitalis et Fulconem de dimidia hida 

terre. 
Carta Mathei de Franktere de terra Radulphi mercatoris. 
Carta Roberti Bloy de terra in campo vocato Sparkehache. 
Carta Edeline de Tutbrigge de terra in villa de Samdona. 



APPENDIX. 191 

Folio 338. 
Carta Bartholomei Faucilon de una acra terre in campo vocato 

Gravelinge. 
Carta Roberti Trinheye de duabus acris terre in parochia de 

Rauree. 
Carta Johannis de Bernes de iiij or denariatus redditus in Nastoke. 
Carta Walteri filij Johannis de terra iuxta Wakeringe. 
Carta Roberti de Trindeheye de terris in Ragere. 
Carta Ricardi Rokeleia de terra in bosco suo de Willinghele. 

Folio 339. 
Carta filij Mengi de Willingehale de septem acris terre. 
Carta Rogeri de Clare Comitis Hertfordiae de tenemento et iiij or 

acris terre in villa de Nortune. 
Carta Galiene de Turney de terra in villa Nortune. 
Carta Willielmi Baconi de tribus solidatis redditus in villa de 

Esthamma. 
Carta Oliveri filij Ernis de terra in villa de Edfelde. 
Carta Britonis de Chelveston de tercia parte decime dominij 

sui, &c. 
Carta Radulphi Brico de sex denarijs redditus in Chelvestona. 
Carta eiusdem Radulphi de Johanne Brett et alijs in eadem villa. 

Folio 340. 
Carta Algari de Pentelawe de duabus acris, &c. in Chelvestona. 
Carta Ernoldi le Enuise de una Mesuagio et tribus acris. 
Carta Gilberti Enuise de terra tota quam pater suus Willielmi 

Enuise tenuit. 
Carta Alicie vxoris Willielmi Hert de tribus acris terre. 
Carta Johannis de Marisco de acquietando Robertum de quercu 

Willielmi le Enuise et Matildam uxorem eius. 
Concordia finalis inter Willielmum le Enuise, &c. de xiiij denarijs 

et una placea, &c. 
De fine de quodam tenemento inter Robertum le Enuise et 

Willielmum le Enuise. 

Folio 341. 
Conuencio facta, &c. inter Robertum Goderiche et Willielmum le 

Enuyse, &c. 
Carta Willielmi filij Mabilie de terra quam dedit Helte. 



192 APPENDIX. 

Carta Geroldi Marescalli de tribus acris terre in Wicham. 

Carta Hugonis de Lasrander de crofto cum pertinentijs in parva 

Wicham. 
Carta Hugonis Springolde de tribus denarijs in Waltham sancte 

crucis. 
Carta Adelize de terra in Uggeleia, 
Carta Galfridi de Estre de terra in villa de Estre. 
Carta Roberti de Besuile de una virgata terre et dimidia in villa 

de Pilcheden. 

Eolio 342. 
Carta Michaelis Besuile de quodam angulo terre in Plukeden, &c. 
Carta Ade de Claverham de duabus acris terre in parochia de 

Waltham sancte Crucis. 
Carta Johannis de Flatherwyk de homagio et servicio Walteri le 

Haiwarde in Hengham Castri. 
Carta Willielmi Rum de homagio et servicio de terra in parochia 

de Hengham. 
Carta Ricardi le Archer, &c. de duabus acris terre cum pertinentijs 

in villa de Hengham ad Castrum. 
Quieta clamacio dicti Ricardi le Archer de duabus acris terre 

quondam Jordani Pistoni in eadem villa. 

Folio 343. 
Carta Amicie at Grene de Hengham ad Castrum de predictis 

duabus acris terre in eadem villa. 
Carta Thome de Hundercombe de dimidia acra pastura et una 

pecia prati in eadem villa. 
Carta Thome at Parke de una crofta terre cum pecia prati in 

eadem villa. 
Carta Thome filij Thome at Parke de eadem terra. 
Carta Sarre Dyne de Gestingthorpe de eadem terra. 

Eolio 344. 
Carta Sarre Dyne de una pecia terre in parochia de Hengham ad 

Castrum. 
Carta Thome at Parke de Gestingthorpe de eadem terra. 
Quieta clamacio ejusdem Thome de eadem terra. 
Carta Thome at Parke de eadem terra. 
Carta ejusdem Thome de una crofta terre in eadem villa. 



APPENDIX. 



193 



Carta Roberti de Helion de quinquaginta acris terre et tribus 
acris prati in villa de Bumstede. 

Folio 345. 
Carta dicti Roberti Heliun de quindecim acris terre et duabus 

acris prati in villa de Bumstede. 
Carta eiusdem Roberti de una virgata terre cum mansura et alijs 

in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Roberti Heliun de xx acris terre in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Roberti de Willielmo filij Brighmeri. 
Carta eiusdem de octo acris terre in villa de Bumstede. 
Confirmacio eiusdem de mansura que fuit Brightmari in Bumstede 

cum duabus acris terre. 
Carta eiusdem de septem acris terre in eadem villa. 

Folio 346. 
Carta Gilberti de Baillun de una acra terra iuxta ecclesiam de 

Bumstede. 
Carta Hospitalis de quatuor acris terre in eadem villa. 
Carta Hospitalis de octo acris terre et alijs diversis in eadem 

villa. 
Quieta clamacio Ade Elwelli de quodam mesuagio in eadem. 
Convencio inter preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et Edelinam nuper 

vxorem Gilberti de Heliun. 
Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quinque acris terre in Bumstede. 
Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quatuor acris terre et dimidia cum 

dimidia acra prati in eadem. 

Folio 347. 
Carta Willielmi de Heliun de quinque acris terre in villa de 

Bumstede. 
Carta eiusdem Willielmi de duodecim denarijs redditus. 
Carta Amicie de Heliun de quieta clamacione de nonem acris terre. 
Quieta clamacio Angnes que fuit vxor Willielmi de Heliun de 

tercia parte quinque acrarum terre in Bumsted. 
Quieta clamacio Johannis la Lande de quodam tenemento in 

parochia de Bumstede. 
Quieta clamacio Ricardi Camm de duabus acris. 
Carta Andree de Heliun de viij acris terre et una acra prati. 
Carta eiusdem Andree Heliun de terra quam Johannes la Lande 

tenuit in Bumstede. 

o 



194 APPENDIX. 

Folio 348. 
Carta Andree de Heliun de sex denarijs redditus in villa de 

Bumstede. 
Carta Andree de Heliun de sex acris terre in villa de Bumstede. 
Carta Isabelle filie Andree Heliun de confirmacione de sex acris 

terre quas pater suus dedit. 
Quieta clamacio Andree Heliun de predictis sex acris terre cum 

alijs in villa de Bumstede. 

Folio 349. 
Carta Michaelis Joce de servicio quod pater suus tenuit. 
Carta eiusdem Michaelis de campo suo in villa de Bumstede. 
Carta eiusdem Michaelis de duodecim acris terre in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Michaelis de campo vocato Sibbesley. 
Carta eiusdem Michaelis de terra quam Osbertus Molendinarius 

tenuit in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem Michaelis de homagio et servicio que Willielmus 

films Radulphi tenuit in eadem villa. 
Carta eiusdem de quinque denarijs reddendis Hospitali de duabus 

acris terre. 

Folio 350. 
Carta eiusdem de tenemento suo quod Willielmus films Radulphi 

tenuit in eadem et de viginti et septem denarijs. 
Carta eiusdem de una acra prati in eadem villa cum alijs. 
Carta eiusdem de sex denarijs redditus in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio Alicie quondam vxoris Michaelis Joce de una 

acra terre in eadem villa. 
Quieta clamacio Alicie quondam vxoris Michaelis Joce de terra 

quam dictus Michael dedit. 
Carta quiete clamacionis eiusdem Alicie de terra dotis sue quam 

vir suus dedit Hospitali. 
Carta Gilberti Bailolli de una acra terre juxta ecclesiam de 

Bumstede. 
Confiraiacio Walteri Bailolli et vxoris sue de vna virgata terre. 

Folio 351. 
Carta Walteri Bailolli de duobus acris terre de feodo Hospitalis 

in Webcrofte. 
Carta eiusdem Walteri de tenemento suo in villa de Bumsted. 
Carta Roberti filij Radulphi de una acra prati in eadem villa. 



APPENDIX. 195 

Carta eiusdem Roberti de sex solidatis terre in villa de Haverhilla. 
Carta Galfridi filij Radulphi de terra vocata Estwod. 
Carta Willielmi clerici Rectoris ecclesie de Campes de terra in 
campo vocato Stokwell in Bumstede. 

Folio. 352. 
Carta quiete clamacionis Hunrichi filij Galfridi de tribus acris 

terre in villa de Bumsted. 
Carta Johannis filij Ade de uno angulo terre in longitudine iiij°* 

perticarum. 
Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de decern acris terre in villa de 

Bumstede. 
Carta Willielmi filij Radulphi de omnibus terris et redditibus 

suis in villa de Bumstede. 
Carta Matildis Watville de quindecim acris terre in eadem villa. 
Carta Hospitalis de v solidis annuatim solvendis Matilde de 

Watevilla et heredibus suis pro predictis terris. 
Confirmacio Hamonis Wateville de eisdem. 

Folio 353. 
Quieta clamacio Johannis filij Willielmi de Wateville de dictis 

quatuor solidis redditus in Bumsted. 
Carta Lancelini filij Radulphi de tribus acris terre in villa de 

Bumstede. 
Carta Hospitalis de quatuor acris terre et dimidia in villa de 

Bumsted ad Turrim. 

Folio 354. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi filij Willielmi de Sturmere de viginti 

tribus acris terre, kc. in Bumstede. 
Carta Willielmi Huberde de dimidia terre quam tenuit de Mau- 

ricio de Bumstede. 
Convencio inter Galfridum filium Willielmi et Moricium de 

Olmestede de terra in Olmestede. 
Carta Johannis de Olmestede de tribus acris terre in Olmestede. 
Convencio inter preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et Johannem Ol- 
mestede de tenemento in Bumstede. , 

Folio 355. 
Carta Johannis filij Willielmi Alfwini et vxoris sue de una pecia 
terre in parochia de Bumstede. 

o2 



196 APPENDIX. 

Quieta clamacio Willielmi Alfwini et vxoris sue de terra in 

parochia de Bumstede. 
Carta Hospitalis de uno mesuagio cum edificijs in villa de 

Olmestede et alijs ibidem. 
Carta Hospitalis de quodam mesuagio cum suis pertinentijs in 

villa de Bumstede. 

Folio 356. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi Goldingham Militis de quodam me- 
suagio in Bumstede. 
Carta Agnetis filie Simonis Pecchese de mesuagio et alijs in 

Bumstede et Halstede. 
Convencio inter Hospitalem et Agnetem predictam de una acra 

et dimidia in Bumstede. 
Carta Cassiandrie filie Boberti de Insula de duabus acris terre in 

eadem villa. 

Folio 357. 
Quieta clamacio dicte Cassiandrie de tribus rodis terre in parochia 

de Bumstede. 
Quieta clamacio Alicie del Ydle de predictis tribus rodis terre et 

una acra prati in eadem. 
Convencio inter Hospitalem et Alexandrum filium Ricardi de 

London de terris in Bumstede. 

Folio 358. 

Concordia finalis inter Priorem Hospitalis et dictum Alexandrum 
et vxorem eius de triginta et septem acris terre cum alijs in 
Bumstede. 

Carta dictorum Alexandri et vxoris sue de predictis triginta 
septem acris terre cum alijs. 

Obligacio Prioris Hospitalis et fratrum de ix marcis solvendis. 

Carta Willielmi de Hiche de quatuor denarijs redditus in Bum- 
stede. 

Quieta clamacio Willielmi le Bloy de sex denarijs redditus in 
Stepelbumstede. 

Carta Ricardi Adgar de tenemento in eadem. 

Folio 359. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi Luydy de Bumstede de terra in Bum- 
stede Heliun. 



APPENDIX. 197 

Carta quiete clamacionis de sex denarijs et obolo redditus cum ij 

caponibus in eadem. 
Carta Hugonis filij Roberti de terra sua iuxta croftam Roberti 

Luydi. 
Carta Roberti filij Godwini Compaynun de una acra terre in 

Bumstede. 

Folio 360. 
De concordia facta inter Hospitalem 
Quieta clamacio Ricardi de Wintonia, &c. de una acra terre et 

dimidia in Bumstede. 
Quieta clamacio Olimpiadis de uno mesuagio et tribus acris terre 

in villa de Bumstede. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi de Hoo de decern acris terre et dimidia 

acra prati in Bumstede. 
Carta Walteri de Hersam de uno mesuagio in Est-medewe. 
Carta Willielmi filij Rogeri filij Bernardi de terra sua in villa de 

Bumstede. 

Folio 361. 
Carta Willielmi filij Henrici de Halstede de mesuagio quondam 

Willielmi Pistoris in Bumstede. 
Carta Gilberti filij Rogeri de Helyun de dimidia acra terre. 
Carta eiusdem Gilberti de dimidia acra terre. 

Folio 362. 
Carta Alicie filie Willielmi de Hethe de tenemento in villa de 

Bumstede. 
Carta Prioris et fratrum Hospitalis de viij acris cum pertinentijs 

in villa de Bumstede. 
Carta Henrici filij Galfridi de vna acra et dimidia terre in Web- 

crofte. 
Carta Thome Mervile de eadem terra. 
Carta Henrici de Surnens de Bumstede de eadem terra. 

Folio 363. 

Carta Willielmi Brun de quatuor acris terre cum alijs in villa de 
Bumstede. 

Carta Willielmi Brun de quatuor acris et dimidia terre in Bum- 
stede. 

Carta Simonis de Bublowe de una acra terre in Bumstede magna. 

Carta eiusdem Simonis de eadem terra. 



198 appendix. 

Folio 364. 
Carta eiusdem Simonis de dimidia acra terre in Bumstede magna. 
Carta Isabelle Bublowe de una acra terre ibidem. 
Carta Alani filij Galfridi de tribus acris terre in parochia de 
Bumstede magna. 

Folio 365. 

Carta Henrici filij Galfridi de duabus acris terre in Bumstede. 

Convencio inter Willielmum filium Badulphi et Henricum filium 
Galfridi de duabus acris terre ibidem. 

Quieta clamacio Agnetis Juliane, &c. de una acra terre et dimidia. 

Carta Walteri filij David de viij acris terre et alijs in Bumstede. 

Carta eiusdem Walteri de sexdecim acris terre in villa de Bum- 
stede. 

Folio 366. 

Carta eiusdem de duabus acris terre et grana ibidem. 

Carta eiusdem de terris et tenemento in Bumstede que tenuit de 
Willielmo Wateuile. 

Quieta clamacio eiusdem de tenemento tenuit de Matilda Wate- 
uile. 

Carta eiusdem de toto feodo quod tenuit de fratribus Hospitalis 
in Bumstede. 

Carta eiusdem de tenemento et servicio ac homagio Willielmi filij 
Radulphi in villa de Bumstede. 

Carta Hawisie filie Willielmi David de novem acris terre cum 
prato ibidem. 

Folio 367. 

Carta eiusdem de tenemento quod pater suus tenuit de fratribus 
Hospitalis in Bumstede. 

Carta Walteri filij David de terra quam Hawisia mater sua dedit 
Willielmo filio Badulphi. 

Confirmacio eiusdem de terra quam Hawisia mater sua dedit 
ibidem. 

Carta quiete clamacionis Beatricis quondam Walteri filij David 
de omnibus terris in Bumstede. 

Carta eiusdem de tercia parte vnius virgate terre in Bumstede. 

Carta Petri de Badua de terra de Badua cum alijs. 

Carta Boberti de Bodewe de decern acris terre in Akeleia cum 
alijs tribus acris. 



APPENDIX. 



199 



Folio 368. 
Carta Basilie de Begham de quadam divisa in Begham. 
Carta Roberti de Chelmesho de tribus denarijs annui redditus. 
Carta Galfridi Ridelli de Willielmo Colehose cum tota terra sua. 
Carta Radulphi de Offintonia de una acra et dimidia terre. 
Carta Ricardi de Harlan e Militis de sex denarijs redditus annui 

in parochia de Herlane. 

Folio 369. 
Carta Willielmi filij Arnoldi de quadam terra in magna Hokesleia, 
Carta Radulphi filij Willielmi de una acra cum pertinentijs in 

parochia Wrattyngges. 
Carta Radulphi de Buello de terra in tribus croftis cum alijs. 
Confirmacio Baldewini Filolli de una acra terre in Kenlenedon 

quam pater suus dedit. 
Carta Willielmi filij Ulnardi de sexdecim denarijs in Felstede. 
Carta Willielmi Glamrvile de duobus solidis annui redditus in 

eadem villa. 

Folio 370. 
Carta Ricardi Warelemunde duobus denarijs in villa de Felstede. 
Carta Alani de Creppinges de tribus acris terre in parochia de 

magna Teye. 
Carta Michaelis de Fordeham de tenemento cum pertinentijs in 

parochijs de Colun et Fordeham. 
Carta Arnoldi Anglici de terra in villa de Teye. 

Folio 371. 
Carta Willielmi filij Willielmi de vno mesuagio in villa de Teye 

et iiij acris terre cum alijs. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi Goldyngham Militis cum duabus acris 

terre. 
Carta Willielmi filij Benedicti de Bromfelde de terra sua in villa 

de Pachinge Picott. 
Carta Cristine nuper vxoris Stephani Prudumme de terra vocata 

Hoxeneheye, &c. 

Folio 372. 
Carta Johannis Morey de uno denario dato ad fraternitatem Hos- 

pitalis in ecclesia de Bolbyngeworthe. 
Quieta clamacio Walteri filij Roberti de Roberto Ailwardo cum 

tota sequela. 



200 APPENDIX. 

Carta Ade de Herthilla de tofto in villa de Balidene. 

Quieta clamacio Johannis filij Roberti de Hertford de tenemento 

in Eppingges. 
Carta Ricardi filij Willielmi Midelton de dimidia acra terre in 

parochia de Midelton cum alijs. 
Carta Roberti Ribbelesdale de duabus bonatis terre in Scardecline. 

Folio 373. 
Carta Ade filij Alani de tresdecim denarijs in Southerton. 
Carta Mabilie filie Rogeri de uno mesuagio in villa de Horseia. 
Carta Galfridi filij Petri de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa de 

Stepeltona. 
Carta Petri filij Alelini de tribus acris terre in campo vocato 

Livingeslanda. 
Carta Galfridi filij Willielmi de quinque rodis terre in Col- 

lingehoo. 

Folio 374. 
Carta Rogeri le Gardiner de vna acra terre in magna Berdefenda. 
Carta Simonis de Coppeforde de una acra terre in parochia de 

Berdefelde. 
Quieta clamacio Agnetis de Weninton de terra in parochia de 

Sudbery. 

Folio 375. 
Carta Stephani del Helle de duobus solidis redditus in Sodbery. 
Carta Roberti filij Ricardi Longi de mesuagio in parochia omnium 

sanctorum in eadem villa. 
Carta Alicie de Barham de quatuordecim solidatis redditus in 

eadem villa. 

Folio 37b". 
Quieta clamacio Radulphi de Cruce de quodam mesuagio in 

eadem villa. 
Carta Ade de Berdfelde de prato de Brademade. 
Carta Nicholai de Hadle de terra quam Adam Berdefelde tenuit 

vocata Wiggefelde. 
Carta Johannis Warrewik de una placea terre in Fenne. 

Folio 377. 
Carta Henrici filij Henrici Sirewelli de terra in StifForde. 
Carta Rose de Bradfote de terris et tenementis cum quadan domo 
in parochia de Himbeshot. 



APPENDIX. 201 

Carta Magistri Godwini de una acra terre. 

Carta Huberti de Bottingham de domibus, &c, in Coppeford 

Briche et Estorpe. 
Quieta clamacio Radulphi filij Willielmi de Briche de terra de 

Impheo. 

Folio 378. 
Carta Hamonis de sancto Quintino de confirmacione in magna 

Briche. 
Carta Huberti de Munchannsi de sex denarijs redditus. 
Carta Thome filij Nicholai de Homagio et servicio de dimidia 

acra prati. 
Carta Galfridi le Chinaler de uno mesuagio cum alijs in villa de 

Bolmere. 
Carta Rogeri le Denys de duobus solidis annui redditus in villa 

de Bolmere. 

Folio 379. 

Carta Huberti filij Roberti de tribus obolis annui redditus in 

parochia de Bolmere. 
Quieta clamacio Albrede filie David de particula terre in parochia 

de Bolmere. 
Carta Ade Coppe de una virgata terre in Edringhale. 
Confirmacio Ade Coppe de predicta acra terre. 
Carta eiusdem confirmacionis et de redditu octo solidorum in 

dicta villa. 

Folio 380. 
Carta Edithe le Seler de Curtilagio in villa de Reileghe. 
Carta Thome Doo de quodam stagno. 
Convencio inter Ricardum Mussegrose et Agnetem de Planes de 

dominico suo in Esthaddone. 

Folio 381. 
Carta Huberti filij Willielmi de terra de Shortemerse. 
Carta R. de Marcy de terra sua in Bullefan. 
Carta Willielmi filij Ade de terra sua in villa de Cokesfelde. 
Carta Thome Tostoke de vno mesuagio in villa de Tostoke cum 

terra ibidem. 
Carta Godfridi de Bulun de sex denarijs et obolo redditus cum alijs. 

Folio 382. 
Carta Gilberti de Odwell de terra in parochia de Briddebrok. 



202 APPENDIX. 

Carta Rogeri Molendinarij de Curtilagio et cum crofto in Nor- 

tona. 
Carta Willielmi filij Johannis de eiusdem mesuagio cum crofto. 
Carta Johannis Cok de quinque acris in Wathele. 

Folio 383. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi Hanewode de uno mesuagio cum crofto 

in Hambury. 
Carta Roberti de Watervilla de terra que fait Elrici in Hampstede. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi de Waterville de una acra et dimidia 

terre in Hampstede. 
Carta Petri filij Ricardi de redditu et homagio Edmundi filij 

Fullonis. 
Carta Petri filij Ricardi de homagio et servicio Alicie de Stubley 

in Halstede. 
Carta eiusdem Petri de homagio et servicio Willielmi de la Brake 

in eadem. 

Folio 384. 
Carta eiusdem Petri de terra quam Augustinus tenuit in eadem 

villa. 
Carta eiusdem Petri de uno mesuagio cum pertinentijs in eadem 

villa. 
Carta Petri de Halstede de duabus acris terre in Bello Campo. 
Carta eiusdem de terra Simonis Clerici ad pontem de Halstede. 
Carta Petri de Halstede de donacione terre predicti Simonis cum 

redditu ad pontem ibidem. 
Quieta clamacio Ricardi filij Petri de redditu et servicio de dono 

patrissui. 

Folio 385. 
Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de una particula terre in parochia de 

Halstede. 
Carta eiusdem Radulphi de predicta particula terre ibidem. 
Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de quadam parte terre sue in 

Halstede. 
Quieta clamacio dicti Gilberti de terra vocata Senleyga in parochia 

de Halstede. 

Folio 386. 
Carta Willielmi filij Astelote de Alneto iuxta Halstede. 
Carta Ailmari de Fraxino de terra in Alurichesley. 






APPENDIX. 203 

Carta Gilberti filij Radulphi de servicio quod Ricardus Richer 

debuit. 
Carta eiusdem Ailmari de duabus acris terre in parochia de 

Halstede. 

Folio 387. 
Carta eiusdem de una grana ac duabus acris terre et vna roda 

in eadem. 
Carta Ricardi filij Ailmari de vna acra et dimidia terre in eadem 

parochia. 
Carta Johannis Bidoy de quatuor denarijs redditus. 
Carta dicti Johannis de tenemento cum pertinentijs in villa de 

Halstede. 

Folio 388. 
Carta Gilberti filij Henrici de uno mesuagio in villa de Halstede. 
Carta eiusdem Gilberti de tenemento quondam Johannis Biddoy 

in eadem villa. 
Carta Walteri filij Gilberti de una placea terre in villa de Hal- 
stede. 
Carta Ricardi filij Gilberti de parte mesuagij Walteri fratris sui. 

Folio 389. 
Carta Ricardi filij Gilberti de redditu duodecim denariorum in 

eadem. 
Carta eiusdem Ricardi de uno denario redditus in eadem parochia. 
Carta Willielmi filij Johannis Longe de uno mesuagio cum per- 
tinentijs in eadem villa. 
Carta Petri Albre de Halstede de septem solidis et vndecim 

denarijs in eadem. 

Folio 390. 
Carta Roberti filij Rogeri de Suandone de pastura et bosco in 

villa de Halstede. 
Carta Hospitalis de una pecia terre in eadem villa. 
Carta Hospitalis de parte mesuagij cum domibus quondam Rogeri 

Fraunceis. 
Quieta clamacio Mauricij Hurannt de terris et tenementis que 

Rogerus Fraunces quondam tenuit. 
Folio 391. 
Quieta clamacio Mauricij Hurannt et Johannis filij eius de qua- 

dam pastura in eadem. 



204 APPENDIX. 

Convencio inter Preceptorem de Mapeltrestede et dominum Wil- 

lielmum Hauyngefelde de predicta pastura. 
Carta Willielmi le Wright de uno Alneto in villa de Halstede. 

Folio 392. 
Carta Roberti Moyne de duabus acris terre in villa de Hampstede 

et de xiij denarijs. 
Carta Gilberti Moyne de quatuor denarijs redditus, &c. in villa de 

Hampstede. 
Carta Hospitalis de mesuagio et duabus acris terre et tribus rodis 

prati in eadem villa. 

Folio 393. 
Carta Mathei le Moyn de terris et tenementis in villa de Lanncynge. 
Carta Rogeri filij Petri de duodecim denarijs redditus in villa de 

Halstede. 
Carta Rogeri filij Petri de uno mesuagio in Stubleya in parochia 

de Halstede. 
Carta Walteri de la Hoo de terra redditu et homagio in eadem 

parochia. 

Folio 394. 
Carta Hospitalis de vna crufta terre cum uno mesuagio in Halstede. 
Carta Ricardi filij Petri de uno denario annui redditus in Halstede. 
Quieta clamacio eiusdem Ricardi de homagio et servicio Johannis 

Walebrunni in eadem. 
Convencio inter Aliciam Gladefen, &c. de terra in Alfameston. 

Folio 395. 
Carta Radulphi Geruni de tribus acris terre in villa de Halstede. 
Carta Osberti Gladfen de tenemento quod Alicia Longe tenuit. 
Carta Roberti filij Ricardi de servicio et homagio quod Edmundus 

Fullonus tenuit. 
Quieta clamacio Willielmi filij Edmundi de uno mesuagio in 

eadem villa. 
Carta Laurencij filij Willielmi de tresdecim denariatis redditus 

cum obolo in eadem. 

Folio 396. 
Littera attornata predicti Laurencij ad liberandam seisinam de 

predicto redditu xiij denariorum oboli. 
Quieta clamacio Roberti de Chippenham de vna acra terre et 

dimidia in eadem. 



APPENDIX. 205 

Quieta clamacio Petri de Halstede de crufta quam pater suus 

tenuit in eadem. 
Quieta clamacio Ade Forestarij de tribus acris terre cum mesuagio 

in Hamstede. 
Carta Kicardi Westhey de redditu unius crofte et unius denarij in 

Halstede. 

Folio 397. 

Carta Saheri de duobus denarij s redditus in eadem. 

Carta Willielmi filij Ricardi de uno denario redditus in parochia 

de Halstede. 
Carta Ricardi filij Rogeri hominis de quatuor denarijs redditus 

in eadem. 
Carta Roberti Wolnorth de duobus denarijs redditus in eadem. 

Folio 398. 
Quieta clamacio Walteri Togod de tribus denarijs redditus in eadem. 
Carta Ricardi filij Rogeri de duabus acris terre in eadem. 

Folio 399. 
Carta Johannis Alwyne de terra vocata Gerardeslonde. 
Carta Johannis Nunthey de quadam crofta ibidem. 
Carta Martini Polle de duabus acris terre in eadem. 

Folio 400. 
Carta Andree Polley de terris et tenementis que fuerunt Johannis 

Enefelde in eadem. 
Carta fratrum Hospitalis de vno mesuagio et vna acra terre. 
Carta Prioris Hospitalis de dictis mesuagio et acra terre. 
Carta Willielmi de Coggeshale de crofta vocata Woodstratecrofte 
in eadem. 

Folio 401. 
Carta Simonis Warde de tenemento suo in Halstede. 

Y.— (p. 143.) 
" The cells, or subordinate foundations to the great house of the 
Hospitallers were properly called Commanderies ; but, like those 
of the Templars, they were almost as frequently called Precep- 
tories. A few of these had the appearance of being separate 
corporations, so much so as to have a common seal; but the 
greater part were no more than farms, or granges. 



206 APPENDIX. 

" It is possible that some few Preceptories existed, which may 
not be included in the present enumeration. 

Preceptories of the Hospitallers. 

1. Ansty, in the county of Wilts. 

2. Aslakeby, in the county of Lincoln. 

3. South Badeisley, in Hampshire. 

4. Balshall, in Warwickshire. 

5. Barrow, in Cheshire. 

6. Batisford, in Suffolk. 

7. Beverley, in Yorkshire. 

8. Brimpton, in Berkshire. 

9. Bruern, or Temple Bruer, in Lincolnshire. 

10. Carbroke, in Norfolk. 

11. Chippenham, in Cambridgeshire. 
] 2. Temple Comb, in Somersetshire. 

13. Temple Cowley, or Sandford, in Oxfordshire. 

1 4. Temple Cressing, in Essex. 

15. Dalby, in Leicestershire. 

16. Dingley, in Northamptonshire. 

17. Dynmore, in Herefordshire. 

18. Temple Dynnesley, in Hertfordshire. 

19. Egle, or Aquilse Ballivatus, in Lincolnshire. 

20. Gilsingham, in Suffolk. 

21. Godesfield, in Hampshire. 

22. Gosford, in the parish of Kidlington, in Oxfordshire. 

23. Halston, or Hawston, in Norfolk. 

24. Hampton, in Middlesex. 

25. Hether, in Leicestershire. 

26. Hogshaw, in Buckinghamshire. 

27. Maltby, near Lowth, in Lincolnshire. 

28. Little Maplestead, in Essex. 

29. Mayne, or Fryer-Mayne, in Dorsetshire. 

30. Melchburn, in Bedfordshire. 

31. Mere, in Lincolnshire. 

32. Mount St. John, in the deanery of Bulmer, and arch- 

deaconry of Cleveland, in Yorkshire. 

33. Newland, in the deanery of Pontefract, in Yorkshire. 

34. Little, or West Peccham, in Kent. 



APPENDIX. 207 

35. Pooling, in Sussex. 

36. Queinington, in Gloucestershire. 

37. Ribstane, in the West Riding of Yorkshire. 

38. Temple Rockley, in Wiltshire. 

39. Rotheley, in Leicestershire. 

40. Shengay, in Cambridgeshire. 

41. Skirbeke, in Lincolnshire. 

42. Slebach, in Pembrokeshire. 

43. Standon, in Hertfordshire. 

44. Sutton at Hone, in Kent. 

45. Swinford, in Leicestershire. 

46. Swingfield, in Kent. 

47. Trebigh, or Turbigh, in Cornwall. 

48. Waingrif, near Rippele, in Derbyshire. 

49. Warwick, in Warwickshire. 

50. Great Wilburgham, in Cambridgeshire. 

51. Wileketone, in Lincolnshire. 

52. Witham, or South Wytham, in Lincolnshire. 

53. Yeveley, alias Stede, in Derbyshire. 

" The Messrs. Lysons, in their Magna Britannia for Berkshire, 
vol. i., p. 387, mention Greenham, in the parish of Thatcham, 
as a Preceptory for Knights Hospitallers ; but the present editors 
know no more of this foundation." — DugdaWs Monasticon. 



THE END. 












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